MADHURĀVIJAYAM of GAṄGĀDEVĪ

PART-I AYAM

"I . MADHURĀVIJAYAM OF GAṄGĀ DEVI

EDITED WITH A HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION BY

S. THIRUVENKATACHARI

Professor, Dr. Alagappa Chettiar Training College Karaikudi

PUBLISHED BY ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY ANNAMALAINAGAR

1957 . . G. S. PRESS, MADRAS PREFACE

The Madhurāvijayam or Vīra Kamparāya caritam by Gangā Dēvi was discovered by accident amidst a heap of wornout palm-leaf manuscripts as part of a series of Sanskrit works; and, but for the careful scrutiny of the Head Pandit of the curator of Sanskrit Mss. Trivandrum, it would have gone the way of many other works of the past which are not available to us. The original is in grantha characters and is full of errors. The manuscript, as discovered, was incomplete, with ten leaves missing in the middle and many slokas incomplete in the available portion. Though it is not possible to say how many slokas have been lost, it is fairly certain that the complete work might have included at least seventy more verses than are extant now.

The following analysis will show the number of verses available for scholars in all the nine (?) cantos of the work.

Canto

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 concluding canto

No. of slokas in the canto

75 42 47 83 76 69 not definitely known but possibly 51 available 36 available 42 521

No. of slokas missing

nil nil nil nil nil 40 30 not known not known 70

No. of slokas mutilated or incomplete.

4 3 5 6 8 8 7 6 11 58 This page is missing from the scan. This page is missing from the scan. The manuscript discovered in the condition described above was first brought to light in 1916 by Pandits G. Harihara Sastri and V. Srinivasa Sastri of Trivandrum. The manuscript itself was in the possession of Pandit N. Ramaswami Sastri and the credit of preserving and publishing the available portion of the manuscript must go to these three scholars. The Trivandrum Edition of the work of which the first two Pandits are the editors is the only available edition of the work and contains only the text of the work.

The present edition of the Madhurāvijayam is based on the only manuscript available. The editor has been in search of a second and more perfect copy of the manuscript these fifteen years and his efforts have not so far met with any success. Yet in publishing the present edition of the work with the same imperfections of the original as are found in the Trivandrum edition, the editor has at least the satisfaction that he is giving a translation of the whole work for the first time. The introduction to the Trivandrum edition by the distinguished scholar Sri T. A. Gopinatha Rao throws welcome light on some of the dark corners of the history of the "forgotten empire." But many of his conclusions are now in need of revision in the light of the information that is now available and that was not available when Sri Gopinatha Rao wrote the introduction. Again, Sri Gopinatha Rao has failed to avail fully of the epigraphical evidence on the two great events described in the Madhurāvijayam: the destruction of the Sambuvarāya rule in Tonḍaimanḍalam and the destruction of the Madhurai Sultanate. He has depended too much on literary evidence without looking for epigraphical or other kind of corroboration. The result is we find him questioning even the veracity of the Madhurāvijayam in regard to the final fate of the Sambuvarāya rule. The Madhurāvijayam describes the total extermination of the Sambuvarāya rule in Tonḍaimanḍalam while Sri Gopinatha Rao doubts if Gangā Dēvi's reference to the killing of the Sambuvarāya might not be to "heighten the poetic effect of the narrative." Sri Gopinatha Rao has also mixed up chronological and genealogical factors of Sambuvarāya history, depending on literary evidence, and made the Sambuvarāya a "tributary" of Kampaņa. This question has been examined thoroughly in the introduction and it will be seen that new light has been thrown on Sambuvarāya-Vijayanagar relationship. It has also been shown that the destruction of the Sambuvarāya rule and of the Madhurai Sultanate by Kampana were not two isolated events but two aspects of a grand and vital scheme, viz., "Madhurāvijayam" or the conquest of Madhurai.

This edition can be justified on other grounds as well. For the first time a succinct history of the Sambuvarāyas is supplied. The Sambuvarayas were no doubt an insignificant line of feudatory chiefs but the times during which they ruled were great in the history of South India. With the Hoysala power reduced to nullity, with the Kākatīya fame dimmed for ever, with the Pāndyas no longer sovereigns of Madhurai, South India, especially the Tamil country, afforded splendid opportunities for adventurous marauders. The catastrophe which overtook the Tamil country was the direct result of the relentless campaigns of Alauddin's general, Malik Kafur. The feudatory chiefs of the . South assumed a great importance during the period of political vacuum immediately following Malik Kafur's South Indian raids. A reconstruction and consolidation of the territory was no easy task and the emergence of the Vijayanagar kingdom was thus a great blessing and a boon to the chaotic south. That this work of reconstruction and consolidation was inaugurated by Kampaṇa, the hero of this poem, is of especial interest to us.

Some of the chronological problems of the period have been given what the editor will permit himself to call acceptable solutions. A brief account of the condition of the Tamil country between 1311 and 1371 has been given and much of the information may be found to be new.

The editor owes a duty to three great historians of India, one of whom alone is happily in our midst. Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar and Dewan Bahadur C. S. Srinivasachariar, both of hallowed memory, enthused the editor in the work which he had taken up with great diffidence; and what should have been offered at the feet of these two great savants of our country by their humble student can, by their passing away, only be dedicated to their memory. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, the great authority on Vijayanagar history who is happily with us, gave the editor no small encouragement and to him he owes a great debt of gratitude.

The editor is grateful to the late Dr. K. V. Reddi Naidu Garu during whose regime as Vice-Chancellor this work was accepted by the University for publication. Dr. C. P. Ramaswami Iyer was instrumental in speeding up the publication of the work which had been long delayed for some reason or other. To him the editor owes a great debt of gratitude. Dr. S. Venkateswaran, Professor of Sanskrit, Annamalai University was kind enough to go through the translation and offer helpful suggestions. The editor has pleasure in acknowledging the Professor's valuable help. Last, but not the least, the editor's grateful thanks are due to Sri G. Srinivasachariar, proprietor of the G. S. Press for the fine execution of the printing work.

Karaikudi 6-11-1956

S. THIRUVENKATACHARI . PART I: INTRODUCTION

I. AUTHORSHIP AND HISTORICAL VALUE

1. The Poet

2. The Historical Value of the Poem

CONTENTS

II. THE SAMBUVARAYAS

1. Vīra Champa

2. Venṛumaṇkonda Sambuvarāya

III. THE SAMBUVARAYAS (Contd.)

IV.

Rājanārāyaṇa and Venṛumaṇkondān II

VIJAYANAGAR INVASIONS OF TONDAIMANDALAM

1. The Sāvaṇṇa Interregnum

2. Kampaṇa's invasion and Conquest

V. THE CONQUEST OF MADHURAI

1. The Political Condition Preceding the Conquest

2. The Madhurai Sultanate

3. The Madhurāvijayam Account

4. Earlier Attempts

5. Kampaṇa's Conquest

VI. THE GENERALS OF KAMPANA

1. General Gōpana

2. Sāḷuva Mangu

3. Sōmappa Dandanāyaka and his son Māraya Nāyaka

4. Gandarguli Māraya Nāyaka

Appendix: Ranganatha Inscription of Gōpaṇa

VII. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

TRANSLATION

TEXT IN SANSKRIT

PART II

1

5

11

14

19

25

30

35

40

46

40

51

57

60

63

64

65

66

1

73 . PART I

INTRODUCTION . I. AUTHORSHIP AND HISTORICAL VALUE

1. THE POET

The peculiar interest of this biographical poem is that its author Gangā Dēvi was the wife of the hero whom it celebrates, and that in all probability she accompanied her husband in his sojourns in the South.[^1] She was the chief queen of Kampaṇa II, and though nothing is known about her lineage, must have sprung from a noble family as the Dēvi suffix would imply. She was very highly accomplished and was endowed with all charms and grace. Kampaņa lavished all his love and attention on her though he had other wives.[^2]

Gangā Dēvi was a poet of a very high order. She was a great student of the classics.[^3] She was well versed in the Vedic lore also.[^4] That she chose Kālidāsa Bhaṭṭa Bāṇa, Bhāravi, Danḍin and Bhavabūti along with Vālmīki and Vyasa out of a thousand names in Samskrit is sufficient proof of her discerning ability.[^5]

[^1] This is only a guess. But there is, however, an interesting point which need not mean much by way of substantiating the statement, but which is not wholly unimportant. At the end of canto 1 there is a salutation to goddess Minakshi immediately after the colophon. In all probability this must have been written by Ganga Dēvi herself, because if the original copyist of the manuscript had written the words Minākshiai namah he would have written them at the end of every canto. Possibly Gangā Dēvi had omitted the salutation in the other cantos and in the verbatim copy of the original that omission was perpetuated.

Moreover Kampana lived in Kāncīpuram after taking it from the Sambuvarayas and cantos 6 and 7 describe his happy life with his queens.

[^2] Madhurāvijayam, canto 3, slokas 18 and 19; also cantos 6 and 7.

[^3] Ibid., canto 1.

[^4] Ibid., canto 1.

[^5]Ibid., canto 1, slokas 5 to 11. These names are representative of Samskrit literature at its highest level and Gangā Dēvi plays, very remarkably, the critic of these most reputed luminaries. In a single verse devoted to each she brings out the special merit of the poet. Kālidāsa, according to her, must prove a model for all writers of good poetry.[^6] Bhaṭṭa Bāna's facility of expression and eloquence appealed to her very much.[^7] The depth of meaning in the writings of Bhāravi and the literary flourishes of Ācārya Dandin captivated our poet greatly.[^8] According to her, Bhavabūti,[^9] the immortal author of Uttararāmaçaritam produced in the ears of the learned a pleasure akin to the tasting of amrita.[^10]

In addition to these "mighty minds of old" many contemporary poets have come in for notice in the Madhurāvijayam.[^10] It is not unlikely that some of them influenced her and inspired her greatly. Of these Kriyāṣakti Pandita gets the pride of place in the poem.[^11] Immediately after the invocation to god she makes her obeisance to Guru Kriyāṣakti. This is significant. According to Sri Gopinatha Rao, the early kings of Vijayanagara were all Saivas of the Saivāgama sect and not of the Vedanta sect.[^12] The tradition of the foundation of Vijayanagara by Mādhava Vidyāraṇya cannot be given much credence though Vidyāraṇya did influence the thought of the age as a great savant. His part at the time of the inauguration of the kingdom could not

[^6] Ibid., canto 1 sloka 7.

[^7] Ibid., canto 1 sloka 8.

[^8] Ibid., canto 1 sloka 9.

[^9] Ibid., canto 1 sloka 11.

[^10] Ibid., canto 1 slokas 13 to 16.

[^11] Ibid., canto 1 sloka 4.

[^12] T. A. Gopinatha Rao in his introduction to the Trivandrum edition of the Madhuravijayam. INTRODUCTION

3

have been as prominent as it is usually made out., Vidyaranya's influence was at its height only in the last quarter of the fourteenth century, nearly forty years after the foundation of the kingdom. At the commencement it was Kriyāṣakti Pandita, a high-priest of the Srikanthāgama sect who occupied the exalted position of guru to the Vijayanagara monarchs. In a Mysore inscription Harihara II acknowledges Kriyāşakti as the kula guru." 13 Kriyāṣakti was held in such high veneration that the early Vijayanagara rulers looked to him not only for spiritual guidance but also for advice on matters of state. It is believed that it was largely through his influence that Vidyāraṇya undertook to write a commentary on the Srauta Sutras. Even after Vidyāraṇya's ascendancy to fame and influence in the last quarter of the fourteenth century, Kriyaṣakti continued to enjoy the same regard and esteem as at the inauguration of the kingdom. Naturally the first kula guru received the obeisance of the poet in this poem. In all probability Kriyāṣakti had some part in shaping Gangā Dēvi into a poct and it was possibly a high sense of duty and gratitude that prompted her to give him the place next only to Pārvati and Paramēṣvara in her invocations.

Among the others of the period mentioned by Ganga Dēvi Agastya is described as the author of "seventy-four poetic compositions".14 This Agastya was different from the Agastya of ancient tradition. He was a poet at the court of Prataparudradēva of Warrangal and was an elder contemporary of Gangā Dēvi. It is guessed, not without sufficient reasons, that he was

13. T. A. Gopinath Rao mentions this. 14. Madhuravijayam canto 1 sloka 14. 4

MADHURAVIJAYAM

under the patronage of Sangama and Bukka I also. The Prataparudrayaṣōbhushaṇa was among his noted works. The authorship of this is attributed to Vidyanātha whom we could easily identify with Agastya from a verse in the Prataparudiya.¹5 Possibly Vidyānātha was a title conferred on poet Agastya in recognition of his talents. Of the seventy four works attributed to him a few are extant. These are the Bālabhārata (a poem, not a campu, as has been erroneously stated by both Dr. S. K. Iyengar and Mr. Burnell), Krishnacarita, the Nalakirtikaumudi, the Lakşmi Stotra, the Sivāstava, the Lalita Sahasranāmam, the Manipariksha, the Siva Samhita and the Sakalādhikara. Agastya seems to have distinguished himself as a writer of excellent prose also.

16

Agastya's nephew Gangadhara was a dramatist and wrote at least three plays, the Mahābhārata, the Candra Vilasa and the Raghavabudhayam. Gangā Dēvi greets him, appropriately enough, as the second Vyasa who made the Bharata story visually enjoyable.¹ Visvanatha and Narasimha were the two talented sons of Gangadhara. We do not know why Gangā Dēvi has omitted to mention Narasimha. Narasimha dramatised the Kadambari into a play in eight acts. Visvanātha was a contemporary of Agastya and graced the court of Prataparudradēva about the same time as Agastya. That both Agastya and Visvanātha influenced Ganga Dēvi not only by the models of literary works they supplied but also perhaps directly may be inferred from Gangā Dēvi's style. Her poetry shows no small influence of Agastya and her style, though undoubtedly

15. The verse begins with the words aunnatyam yadi varnayaté sikharinah etc.

16. Madhurāvijayam, canto 1, sloka 15.

1 INTRODUCTION

her own, has yet the mark of the new literary movement inaugurated by Kriyasakti and Agastya. While Ganga Dēvi stops with paying fitting tributes to each of the other poets, she acknowledges Visvanātha explicitly as her guru. Describing him as Kavisvara she prays for his longevity. She says, "it is by his grace, even in individuals like myself has dawned a sense of omniscience" ¹7 17

18

20

Gangā Dēvi was a connoisseur of true poetry. In the galaxy she has supplied only the most famous find a place. As a poet herself she has freely imitated the most eminent writers of Samskrit poetry. She would consider it a merit of good poetry that it is an imitation of Kalidasa.¹8 Playing the sedulous ape to master minds, according to her, is no fault. Being a biographer first and then only a poet, her literary "borrowings" do not affect the work in any way.

5

17. Ibid., canto 1 sloka 16.

18. Ibid., canto 1.

19. Ibid., canto 1 slokas 17 to 24.

According to her it is not possible to find a poetical work in which all the best ingredients are present. But that cannot be an excuse for serious literary flaws. A man of learning will not be satisfied if a poem merely conformed to the techniques of poetical composition though the technique is as important as the beauty of any piece of poetry. Eloquence, depth of meaning, wealth of expression and learning and a power to affect are among the qualities that a true connoisseur of poetry will look for in any poem. But Gangā Dēvi does not mean to be hypercritical. 1⁹ MADHURÄVIJAYAM

2. THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE POEM

It is an irony that the country with the most ancient civilization should have very few original histories about its past. Strictly speaking, the only historical work of the past worth the name of history is Kalhana's Rajatarangini, which tells the story of the kings of Kashmir. Bana's Harshacaritam is no doubt very valuable as a biography but there is a great deal in it that does not partake of the nature of correct history. It is only when we reach what is often called the Muslim period of Indian History that we have regular histories, whatever may be the degree of their objectivity. Because of this paucity of historical works belonging to the earlier periods western scholars have sometimes criticised Indians as lacking any historical sense'. But there is a great deal in our ancient literature which we can press into service in the writing of Indian history. It will be profitable to read the Foreword to the first volume of the Indian History series published by The Bharatiya Itihasa Samiti in which Mr. K. M. Munshi has discussed the scope and limitations of our literary sources in the reconstruction of India's past history.

6

The writing of India's past history purely from literature is difficult, because, while literature, more often than not, gives only meagre history, a good portion of what it gives may often prove a snare or the basis of a preconceived theory. There is therefore the need to develop an objective outlook on the part of the historians of India. Literature has to be used in most cases mainly for corroborative purposes. As a handmaid to archaeology, epigraphy and numismatics, it is really most valuable. INTRODUCTION

The Madhurāvijayam is perhaps the only historical work for the history of South India, before the 15th century. Gangā Dēvi may, with some appropriateness, be called the first historian of South India in any scientific sense. The Madhurāvijayam tells the story of the extension of the Vijayanagar rule into the Tamil country and the circumstances leading to it. The book which is in nine cantos devotes a major part of the narration to the main factors culminating in the conquest of Madhurai by Kumāra Kampaṇa. The following is an analysis of its contents, canto by canto.

Canto 1.-This canto contains the following pieces of information :

1. Gives the names of contemporary luminaries. 2. Gives information about the parentage of Kumāra Kampana-mentions Bukka and Harihara and describes the qualities of the head and heart of Bukka. Also mentions the name of Bukka's queen as Dēvāyī. It may be noted that this is the only source giving information about the chief queen of Bukka.

3. Describes the city of Vijayanagar. Compare this with the descriptions of the city given by Paes, Nicolo Conti, Abdur Razaak and others who visited the city in the hey-day of its prosperity. Pampa is mentioned as the branch of Vijayanagara.

Canto 2. The birth of Kampana and also of the other two sons of Bukka, Kampaṇa and Sangama.

Canto 3.-1. Gives an account of the early training of Kampana.

2. Mentions his marriage with Gangā Dēvi. d

MADHURAVIJAYAM

3. Contains very interesting and valuable historical information which can be analysed as follows:

8

(a) Bukka's analysis of the political situation in the Tamil country.

(b) His exhortation to Kampaņa to destroy the chieftains in the Tamil country and to establish himself at Kanci as its ruler.

(c) After winning over the people of Tondaimandalam Kampaṇa was to march on his conquest of Madhurai.

Canto 4.-(a) Preparations for the march on the Sambuvaraya territory.

(b) The size of the Vijayanagar army described. (c) The allies of Vijayanagar-the Cōļas, the Kēralas and the Pandyas.

(d) The orderly march of the army.

(e) Camping at Mulbagal. Then the move to Virincipuram.

(f) The siege of Padaivīdu and the fight with the

Sambuvarāyas.

(g) The defeat of the Sambuvarayas and the death of the Sambuvarāya king at the hands of Kampana.

Canto 5.-Kampaņa establishes a just and prosperous rule in Kāncīpuram.

Cantos 6 & 7.-Contain no historical information. Canto 8.-The condition of the Tamil country after the Muslim occupation.

The Concluding Canto.-The final battle with thẹ Muslims. The conquest of Madhurai by Kampaņa after the defeat and death of the Sultan in the battle. ģ

INTRODUCTION

In the course of the following pages the above historical details have been examined with reference to other sources in some detail. There are, however, certain aspects which take away from its purely historical nature; e.g., Cantos 6 and 7 do not seem to contain any historical information. They describe only the amors of the prince and his sports with the queens. Of course, one explanation is possible, i.e., that a chronological gap is intended between the occupation of the Sambuvarāya territory and the conquest of Madhurai; and this gap is conveyed through the two cantos in which there is absolutely no reference to politics and all reference is to the private life of the prince. Perhaps it was also the intention of the poet to convey the idea that after the conquest of Kānci, Kampaña endeared himself to his subjects by his just and benevolent rule. The fact that he could enjoy his life in Kāncipuram without any fear of coup d'etat must show that his rule was popular and when he started on his campaign against Madhurai he had the fullest support of the people of Tondaimandalam.

The introduction of the supernatural element in the biography luckily does not affect the accuracy of the main details. The appearance of the goddess was a poetic convention. In Harsha's Nāganandam there is the episode of a goddess presenting a sword to Jimūtavāhana. In the Madhurāvijayam the episode may be taken to be symbolic. The goddess that appeared before him may be taken as the personification of Dharma which had been so much put to trial during the interregnum of the Sultanate in Madhurai, and her exhortation might be taken to mean that it was incumbent on

2 10

MADHURAVIJAYAM

the new Hindu power, viz., Vijayanagar, to reinstall Dharma on its original pedestal.

In short, in spite of what according to principles of modern historiography might be considered defects in a history, these minor details should not be taken very serious notice of in the Madhurāvijayam because it is one of the very few wholly historical works of India's past. II. THE SAMBUVARĀYAS

1. VIRA CHAMPA

The Madhurāvijayam, as its title signifies, is the story of the conquest of Madhurai by Kumāra Kampaṇa told by his wife Gangā Dēvi. But the poem treats also of the factors which formed the prelude to the Madhurai conquest. The way to Madhurai lay through the Tondaimandalam which was at that time ruled by the Sambuvarayas. It is not certain whether the Sambuvarāya kings were on friendly terms with the new kingdom of Vijayanagar. Apart from the political ambition to add territories to the kingdom, there was always the danger of the Muslims overrunning the whole of the Tamil country and proving a serious menace to Vijayanagar. Therefore, there was the need to clear the Tamil country of all forces detrimental to the existence and expansion of Vijayanagar. The Sambuvarāyas cccupied a strategic position in the Tamil country between Vijayanagar and the Madhurai Sultanate. They should either be reduced to the position of feudatories to Vijayanagar or destroyed. Bukka placed emphasis on the need to remove all the political cobwebs before launching the attack on Madhurai. So the Sambuvarayas were the first enemies of Vijayanagar that had to be tackled by Kampana. A brief account of the Sambuvaraya rule in the Tondaimanḍalam region will be of interest to students of early Vijayanagar history.

The Sambuvarāya chiefs of the Sengeni family ruled mainly in portions of the present North Arcot and MADHURAVIJAYAM

Chingleput districts.¹ They figure very prominently in the Cola inscriptions as feudatories of the Colas. They distinguished themselves by leading the important campaigns on behalf of their overlords. Edirili Cōļa Sambuvaraya of the period of Rājādhiraja Cola secured the departure from the Tamil country of the Singalese General, Lankāpura Dandanayaka who had invaded the southern part of the Cola empire.²

12

After the decline of the Cōla imperialism the Sambuvarayas, like the Kādavarayas, successfully carved out an independent principality for themselves possibly after a short period of subservience to the Pandyan empire. Kulasēkhara Sambuvarāya, who may be placed between 1278 A.D. and 1304 A.D. was the first Sambuvarāya whose inscriptions are found with regnal years.³ Kulasēkhara was succeeded by Vira Champa, also known as Rājanārāyaṇa Mallinātha.¹

We do not know the relationship between Kulasēkhara and Vira Champa, but in all probability Vira Champa was Kulasēkhara's son the assumption that the feudatory Sambuvarāyas named their eldest son after their overlord is correct.5

Vira Champa lived during a troubled period in South Indian history, nay, in Indian history. Northern India was subject to the Khilji imperialism. For the

1. For an account of the feudatory Sambuvarayas see Professor K. A. N. Sastri, The Colas.

2. Dr. S. K. Aiyangar South India and her Muhammadan Invaders,

page 16.

3.

A.R.E., No. 77 is dated with a regnal year for Kulasekara. 4. There are a few Virachampa inscriptions extant. From the Ula of Irattaiyar we can establish the identity of Virachampa and Mallinatha. 5. There was the practice of feudatories naming their eldest sons after the ruling sovereign both in the Cola and in the Pandya kingdoms. INTRODUCTION

13

first time Southern India had to bend before the onslaughts of the Muslim invaders during this period. In all probability Vīra Champa was a witness to many of the ghastly deeds perpetrated by the invading forces under the leadership of Malik Kafur. There is no evidence of Vīra Champa having done anything to check the progress of the invaders. Evidently he had simply to play the role of a silent spectator as he could not contend against the superior numbers which laid waste the country.

Vira Champa distinguished himself by his various acts of charity and piety. Both epigraphical and literary sources mention these. He made a golden crown fit enough to adore the head of Lord Ekambaranātha at Kancipuram. He also presented a beautiful car to the Lord. He built a huge Tulābhāramaṇḍapam in the city of Kanci. The Arulalaperumal inscription of Vira Champa mentions his having presented another new car to the deity of that temple. Under his instructions and at his expense an ascetic by name Gnānātman built a manḍapa called Bhadramanḍapa to the deity of Tiruvallam. The holy man also erected a shrine "in the very prosperous city of Valla" and named it Mārāya Śiva.

Here are the relevent portions of the ulā of Iraṭṭaiyar celebrating the deeds of Vira Champa: 6

1. சம்பு குலத் தொருவன் சாத்துகைக் காம் என்றளித்த செம்பொன் மணி மகுடஞ் சேர்வித்து

செம்பதுமை கேள்வன் திருமல்லிநாதனுயர் சம்புபதி நல்குந் தடந் தேர் போல்

3. ...... பரிபல்லவன் சம்பு குலப் பெருமான் வைத்த துலாபார மண்டப டபத்தும்

6. Ekambaranatha Ula, (also the Abidhanacintamani).

2. MADHURAVIJAYAM

Vira Champa was the first Sambuvarāya ruler known to have struck coins to signify his supremacy. These coins continued to be in circulation till a very late period at least till after fifty years from his death. These coins are referred to in inscriptions as Virachampan Guligai.

7

14

Vira Champa had a highly talented minister by name Vanabhid who had a profound knowledge of Samskrit and who could compose poetry. It was he who gave publicity to the deeds of valour and piety done by the ruler.

Vira Champa assumed or was given the title of Nidravāsan Vijayi which means "the king who won victories at the time of the completion of his sleep". The Bilavanāthēśwara inscription of the king mentions this biruda of his. This title, and the fact of his having issued coins are evidences not only of the independent rule that he had set up over the Tondaimandalam region but also of the important position he occupied in the Tamil country.

2. VENRUMANKONDA SAMBUVARAYA

The successor of Vira Champa was Ekāmbaranātha Sambuvaraya alias Venrumankondān. He is known better by the title than by his real name. Only one inscription refers to his name and even that reference is incidental. The title Venrumaṇkondān was assumed by him almost at the beginning of his rule. A suggestion was made that this title might imply his having

7. A.R.E., 24 of 1887.

8. A.R.E.. No. 32 of 1933-34, INTRODUCTION

15

taken his kingdom from the Muslims. This was based on the incorrect supposition that no inscriptions of his, dated earlier than his fourteenth year, are available. But there is a second year inscription dated 132324 A.D., which contains the title Venrumaņkondān.¹⁰ Again there is no break between the periods of Vira Champa and Venrumaņkondān. Even assuming that Vira Champa ruled for eighteen years, as per an inscription of his, from 1304, which was the last year of Kulasēkhara, we get 1322-23 as the last regnal year for Vira Champa and the first for his successor. This is borne out by the data in Venrumankondān's inscriptions.

The only explanation for the title seems to be that Venrumaņkondan captured Kanci from the Kakatiya general Muppidi Nāyaka, who was in occupation of the city, having taken it from the Kerala conqueror Ravivarman, till about the accession of Venrumankondān.¹¹

9. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Early Muslim Expansion in South India. 202, "No traces of his (Venrumankonda's) rule are found in any part of the country before his 14th regnal." Ibid., p. 203. It may be reasonably assumed that Ekambaranātha Sambuvaraya reconquered the country from the Mussalmans.

10. Cf. A.R.E., 206 of 1929-30. The exact date of this inscription is 1323-June, 13.

11. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: The Early Muslim Expansion in South India, p. 90. The departure of Ravivarman Kulasēkhara did not however, release the Pandyan dominion from foreign domination. New invaders soon made their appearance, this time from Telungana. The Kakatiya King, Prataparudra, sent a large army in 1317. A.D., to harry the country, and his general Muppidi Nayaka led the Telugu army victoriously up to the Käveri, defeated the Pança Pandyas in a battle near Känci, and installed a Telugu governor in the city.

Also Prof. K. A. N. Sastri: Pandyan Kingdom, p. 213. This expedition of the Kakatiya general seems therefore to have brought the northern part of the Pandyan Empire for a time under the control, more or less effective, of the Telugu rulers of Warrangal.

1 MADHURAVIJAYAM

Perhaps Venrumaṇkondān was a son of Vira Champa, whom he and his son Rājanārāyaṇa might have addressed as Anna (father). An inscription of Rājanārāyaṇa refers to the former addressing Mallinātha as Annachiyar.12

16

14

Venrumankondān's reign began in 1322, and the first two years of his reign seem to have gone on uneventfully. But we do not hear of him from his third to his fourteenth regnal year i.e., 1335-36. The cause of this interregnum is not far to seek. In 1323 the Muslims had occupied the southern part of the Tamil country and the horrors of the Muslim invasion had spread into the entire Tondaimandalam region also. A fourteenth year inscription of Venrumaņkondan refers to the havoc wrought by the Muslims in the region.¹4 Many inscriptions belonging to Rājanārāyaṇa also refer to the dislocation caused to normal life in the territory as a result of the Muslim occupation. 15 Therefore, as Dr. Venkataramanayya has pointed out, "the extreme rarity, if not the total absence of Hindu inscriptions that are assignable to the interval between 1324 and 1335 seems to indicate that the Hindu political life was in a state of suspended animation and that the country was passing through a period of great distress."16

We do not know the exact nature of the Muslim occupation in the Tondaimandalam region. The fact

It is likely that Venrumankondan destroyed the Kakatiya rule in Kanci and in memory of the victory took the title of Venrumaņkondan. 12. Cf. A.R.E., 33 of 1933-34-(page 36 of 1933-34).

13. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Ma'bar (J.M.U.), pp. 43-54.

14. Cf. A.R.E., 434 of 1903-S.I.I. Vol. III.

15. Cf. A.R.E., No. 203 of 1912.

16 Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Ma'bar, p. 43. INTRODUCTION

17

that Venrumankondan could begin his reign again in 1335-36 shows that it had not been actually brought under Muslim rule, as the districts of Madura, Trichinopoly and Tanjore had been." Perhaps the Muslims in the beginning of their South Indian conquest, scattered themselves over a very wide area, and after the conquest, consolidated their position in a few districts, having regard to their resources for the upkeep of the conquered territories.

19

That Venrumaṇkondān had busied himself with administrative arrangements throughout his reign is borne out by all his records. The Muslim invasion had created many social, economic and political problems. Migrations from one place to another had become the order of the day. 18 The shifting of population from one village and the overpopulation of another created problems of a tough nature. Refugees came in large numbers into his territories and sought his protection. The professional communities were suffering want and misery. Venrumaņkondan thus took charge of an entirely changed kingdom in his 14th year, and no wonder he had to make it his life-work to restore normal life to it. He filled the Tirumadaiviļāgams with their usual inhabitants. He provided for his subjects such amenities as water-sheds which had been destroyed during the period of his absence. He opened out some villages as centres for refugees

17. The Muslim hold on Tiruchirapalli Tanjore and South Arcot must have been very slender. We have evidence that the Muslims had strengthened themselves in Ramnad district.

18. A.R.E., No. 276 of 1912. 19. A.R.E., 35 of 1933-34.

3 MADHURAVIJAYAM

18

and invited the helpless refugees to settle in them.20 He treated these new inhabitants with sympathy and consideration. He tried his best to encourage handicrafts and gave all sorts of concessions to the professional communities.21 He fixed the rates of taxes payable by these, as low as possible. He also repaired or reconstructed many temples laid waste by the Muslims.22 Thus he saved his country from moral and political degradation.

While that part of the Tamil country south of the South Arcot district was going through a period of the worst political ordeal, Tondaimandalam was enjoying peace and passing through an era of reconstruction; and the credit of having restored normal life goes to a great extent to Venrumaṇkondān.

That Venrumankondān had succeeded to a great extent in his uphill work of reconstruction is proved by references to activities of normal and peaceful life. An inscription of his dated in his seventeenth regnal year refers to the enactment of street plays in Kānçipuram and Tondaimandalam. The inscription says that a licence was obtained by a dramatic troupe from the ruler for enacting plays.23

20. A.R.E., 35 of 1933-34 coming from Kilminnal. Registers details of taxes payable by settlers of the village. The cription says that the village was made an Anjinän Puhalidam, a place for refugees in the name of the ruler's son, Rajanarayana, referred to as Ponnin Perumal.

The taxes leviable from weavers colonising there was fixed at 1/4 panam per month on two workers of every loom and 1/8 panam on others. The rules relating to taxes on oil press are not clear. 21. A.R.E., 47 of 1932.

22. A.R.E., 45 of 1900; 453 of 1903; 42 and 48 of 1921.

23. A.R.E.. 42 of 1921. III. THE SAMBUVARĀYAS (Contd.) RĀJANARAYANA AND VENRUMANKONDAN II

Venrumaņkondan I was succeeded by his son Rājanārāyaṇa, the greatest Sambuvarāya ruler. It was during his period that the Sambuvarāya kingdom reached the height of its power and glory. Its territories included the entire districts of North Arcot, Chingleput and a part of South Arcot. The date of Rājanārāyaṇa's accession according to astronomical data furnished by his inscriptions is 1338-39. The relationship between Venrumaṇkondān and Rājanārāyaṇa is mentioned in an inscription at Kuttiyam bearing the third regnal year of Rājanārāyaṇa in which Venrumankondān is referred to as Ayyāchiyār or father (of the ruler). On the death of Venrumaṇkondān, Rājanārāyaṇa performed the necessary obsequies and also arranged for the ashes of his father being consigned to the Ganges, and the srāddha performed at Gaya. He pitched upon an Agambadi Mudaliar of the Palace Guard for carrying the remains to be mixed in the Ganges. The name of the Mudaliar, Elumbōḍan Gangaiyadi Madhavarāyan, seems to have been assumed by him after his return from the Ganges. The Mudaliār, on his return, was granted the village of Kuttiyam alias

1. This is proved by the provenance of his inscriptions. In the South Arcot district, at Tirukkoyilur, there is a 17th year inscription of Rajanārāyaṇa, A.R.E., 82 of 1935-36.

2. A.R.E., 33 of 1933-34 Sakalalöka Chakravartin Ponnin Tambiran Rajanārāyaṇa Sambūvaraya.

3. Ibid. Also A.R.E., 32 of 1933-34. Registers the grant of the villages of Kuttiyam alias Rājanārāyaṇanallur free from taxes as Gangamana vritti to Elumbodan. MADHURAVIJAYAM

Rājanārāyaṇanallūr (named after the chief) free of taxes as Gangāgamana Vritti or maintenance for having gone to the Holy Ganges. This Mudaliar was very much attached to Venrumaṇkondān and he consecrated the shrine of Ekāmbranātha in Kuttiyam in the name of his master and made large endowments to it.4

20

5

The first few years of Rājanārāyaṇa's reign passed off almost uneventfully, but for a heavy flood which caused extensive damage to crops. This was in the sixth year of his reign. The king adopted relief measures one of which was the remission of the taxes payable both in cash and in kind on lands whose crops had suffered.

Rājanārāyana's relationship with Madhurai is not known. There is no evidence of his having come to any clash with the Sultanate. What made both keep their mutual peace is a mystery. What surprises us more is the fact that Rājanārāyaṇa does not appear to have intervened during the wars in the South. We are now alluding to the great conflict between the Sultan and the Hoysala ruler, Vira Ballala III which culminated in the most tragic battle of Kannanūr Koppam. This was the last

4. A.R.E., 33 of 1933-34.

5. Cf. A.R.E., 410 of 1912; 230 of 1901. S.I.I., Vol. VII, No. 410 from Marudur refers to a peruvellam in the 6th year. No. 230 a 7th year inscription, records that the king remitted taxes payable both in cash and kind on land whose crops had suffered as such lands could not be taken up for cultivation. This order was engraved on the walls of the temples at Tiruvallam, Gudimallur and Kalavai.

6. The Madhura Sultanate lasted between 1323 and 1371. The period between 1323 and 1334 was the period of the Delhi Viceroyalty in Madhurai. Cf., Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Ma'bar, p. 42. The Sultanate extended as far north as Chidambaram (roughly). Cf. Madhurāvijayam which says that Vyāghrapuri had become the abode of tigers. INTRODUCTION

21

fight in South India put up in order to save the land, from the onslaughts of the invaders and if Rājanārāyaṇa had followed a policy of "non-intervention" to gain some private ends, and allowed the old Hoysala ruler to fight his enemy single-handed history would never put it to his credit.

Rājanārāyaṇa Sambuvaraya enjoyed very good popularity and the reason for this lies in his various acts of public charity. He continued the good work of his father and completed it. He revived worship in all temples; he reorganised the temple precincts; he revived handicrafts. The weavers who played an important part in temple life and whom the kings took into their confidence when settling disputes were still suffering from the after effects of the anarchy. In their despair they even deserted their respective Tirumaḍaivilāgams and caused a dislocation in temple administration. An inscription from Nerumbur' says: "The inhabitants of the Tirumadaivilāgam along with the weavers ran away to different villages". Rājanārāyaṇa coaxed the deserters into returning to their respective places, showing them all concessions. Besides the Tirumadaivilāgams which he thoroughly reorganised, he filled the empty villages with population and remitted taxes due from the new settlers.

However, in spite of the good work done by Rajanārāyaṇa and his father there were still symptoms of lawlessness. An inscription³ refers to the treachery

7. A.R.E., 276 of 1912.

8. A.R.E., 203 of 1912 (7th year). Many of the valuable belongings of the Tiruvorriyur temple had been buried underground for safety during the Muslim occupation of that territory. But most of these MADHURĀVIJAYAM

practised by certain people who took away the valuable belongings of the temple. The matter had not been found out until very late, and by the time it was found out, the culprits had all died. But the king confiscated their lands and dwellings and made them over to the temple. The same inscription refers to the sale of lands and houses belonging to another private individual who had been punished for committing "a very serious state offence".

22

10

Rājanārāyaṇa had also to devote a good part of his time to the settlement of disputes. The most serious of these was that the temple servants called Ishaibhattaliyilār, Dēvaradiyār and Padiyilār did not agree among themselves regarding the order of precedence in their service to the temple. The next in importance was a long standing dispute between the villagers of Uttaramerūr and Tiruppulivanam.¹0 The disputants were not amenable to any agreement for a long time. The dispute itself concerned river-irrigation. There was a canal irrigating Uttaramerur, and feeding the tank of Tirupulivanam. The inhabitants of both the villages quarrelled about their respective rights over the control of the canal. The matter was finally settled amicably by arbitration and it was agreed that the canal should irrigate Tiruppulivanam, Mappandar, Pundi and Uttaramerūr.

were removed by the Tulukkar and appropriated. Such of the property as had escaped their clutches (including a metal lamp stand) was stolen and similar acts of treachery were practised against god by certain private individuals. The Maheswaras and the trustees of the temple together with the agent of Bhuvanēkabāhudeva instituted enquiries into the matter in the Vyakaranadāna Mandapa.

9. A.R.E., 212 of 1912.

10. A.R.E., 200 of 1923. INTRODUCTION

Rājanārāyaṇa, though a Saivite, was tolerent towards all religions. He endowed both Siva and Vishnu temples.¹¹ 11 The mention of a Jain temple and the setting up of a Jain image by a pious lady during the period of Rajanārāyaṇa suggests that Jainism was still enjoying royal patronage." 12 It might also be noted that an earlier Sambuvarāya ruler constructed at Pundi a Jaina temple dedicated to Ponninātha but called Vira Vira Jinālaya and gave a large tax-free village to it for its support.¹3

13

23

Rājanārāyaṇa's philanthrophy had become so infectious that even private individuals came forward to supplement the noble work of their ruler. 14

Turning our attention to the condition of trade and commerce during his period, we have some evidence to conclude that he did his best to promote them. Sadras was a flourishing trade centre and the suggestion that Rājanārāyaṇa might have taken interest in its growth is got by the new name Rājanārāyaṇapaṭṭanam, given to the port, after the ruler.¹5 The reference to such communities as Settis, Kaikkolar, Karrai-vada-vanigar and Sekku-vanigar and Saliyar and such taxes as Tarik11. Cf. A.R.E., 113 of 1932-33. Among the Vishnu temples that he endowed, the Sthalasayanaperumal temple at Mahabalipuram deserves to be noted. During the date of Rajanārāyaṇa the God of the temple was known as Ulagalandaperumal.

12. South Indian inscriptions, Vol. I. 70, p. 102.

13. A.R.E., 58 of 1900.

14. An inscription dated in the 19th regnal year of Rajanārāyaṇa contains the interesting information that the various communities, oil-mongers, washermen and others, collected donations and completed the construction of a temple which had been left incomplete, at Madhevimangalam. A.R.E., 53 of 1933-34. For this act of charity the taxes on these communities were remitted. Also Cf. A.R.E., 36 of 1933-34.

15. A.R.E., 103 of 1932-33. MADHURAVIJAYAM

kadamai and Pērkkadamai also gives us a hint that handicrafts had come back to their own thanks to the interest evinced in them by Rājanārāyaṇa and his father.¹

24

16

The highest regnal year found in Rājanārāyaṇa's inscriptions is twenty and we can therefore conclude that his reign ended by 1359 A.D." Rājanārāyaṇa assumed a number of titles and they are: Ponnintambiran and Ponninperumal.¹8

Rājanārāyaṇa was followed by his son Venrumankondān, whom we may call Venrumankondān II, but he does not appear to have ruled for any length of time. The final attack of the Vijayanagar prince was directed against him and he did not survive it.

16. A.R.E., 298 of 1910 Tarikkaḍamai and Pērkkaḍamai payable

by the Kaikkolar, Säliyar and Vänigar.

17. A.R.E., 36 of 1933-34 from Kiläminnai.

13. A.R.E., 33 of 1933-34. IV. VIJAYANAGAR INVASIONS OF

TONDAIMANDALAM

1. THE SAVANNA INTERREGNUM

It is believed by some scholars that it was Venrumaņkondān I the Sambuvarāya ruler (13221339) who was overcome by Kampaņa.¹ But this view is far from correct as the earliest inscription of Kampana bears only the date 1352.2 His invasion of Tondaimandalam could never have taken place prior to that year. Venrumaṇkondān had a peaceful death and the period was also calm and quiet in his territory, and this is borne cut by the fact that his son Rājanārāyaṇa was able to send the remains of his royal father to be consigned to the Ganges.³

1. Dr. S. K. Iyengar: South India and her Muhammadan Invaders: p. 15 and pp. 60-61. The epigraphical reports, too, contain the mistake. Dr. S. K. Iyengar seems to be caught in confusion when we read his lectures, two and six. An analysis of the points he has raised in these two lectures regarding Kampana's defeat of the Sambuvarāyas will show the confusion. In his second lecture he says: "We find two rulers who assumed high titles indicating independence. Of these the first is Sakalalöka Chakravartin Venrumankonda Sambuvarayan whose date of accession is A.D. 1322-23 followed by Sakalaköka Chakravartin Rājanārāyaṇa Sambuvarayan whose date of accession is 1337-38 and whose reign extended upto 1356-57. It was apparently this later ruler that was overcome by Prince Kumāra Kampana of Vijayanagar." He changes his view in the sixth lecture and states an entirely new theory: "It looks very probable that it was Sakalalökachakravartin Venrumankondän Sambuvaraya whose date of accession is Saka 1245 (1322-23) that was overthrown by Kampana, sometime about 1347 which is the first date of his successor Sakalalökachakravartin Rajanārāyaṇa Sambuvarayan." We are at a loss to understand why the learned professor propunded such theory and how he got 1347 as "the date of the defeat of Venrumaņkondan by Kampa.

2. Cf. A.R.E., 297 of 1919, (dated saka 1274). 3. Cf. A.R.E., 32 of 1933-34.

4 MADHURAVIJAYA.M

Rājanārāyaṇa's rule must have extended upto, at least 1359, as we have inscriptions of his bearing his 20th regnal year. The presence of Vijayanagar inscriptions in his territory in the eleventh and twelth years of his rule implies that he had come into clash with the Vijayanagar rulers already.5 If Kampaņa's invasion had taken place by about 1351 we have to account for the following: (1) The Madhurāvijayam explicitly says that the Sambuvarāya ruler was killed in the battle. If Rājanārāyaṇa had been killed in 1351-52 how could records have been issued in his name after this date? (2) Some of Kampana's relations and generals who were associated with the campaign assumed the title Sambuvarāya sthāpanācārya, meaning 'establisher of the Sambuvarāya." Where does the question of establishing come in, if the Sambuvarāya had been slain in

battle?

26

In answer to the above it may be pointed out that the Madhurāvijayam refers only to the ultimate conquest of the Tondaimandalam region. We have evidence from epigraphs also for that conquest. Therefore, we have to see in Kampaņa's Tiruvaṇṇāmalai inscription, an evidence of a preliminary conquest in which Kampaṇa probably played a minor part but

4. Cf., A.R.E., 36 of 1933-34 from Kilminnal.

5. Cf. A.R.E., 297 of 1919 No. 357 of 1928-29.

6. Mangu took this title as will be noted in a later chapter. Some of the members of the Säluva family also assumed this title till very long after the actual event of the Sambuvarāya defeat. Savanna Udaiyar also took the title. Also refer to the Udaharaṇamāla (Sources: pp. 49 and 50), where another member claims to have overcome

'Champa'.

7. Eg., Cf. 18 of 1899 (also p. 22 of the same report) dated saka 1287 (1365 A.D.), ref. to the taking 'permanent possession of Rajagambhirarājya.' 1

INTRODUCTION

27

some one else on Kampana's side played the significant, part. We have a number of inscriptions in the Tamil country, belonging to Sāvaṛṇa Udaiyār, son of Kampa I, Viceroy of Udaiyagiripaṭṭaṇam. These inscriptions bear regnal years. One of these bearing the regnal year 1350 is possibly one of the earliest Vijayanagar inscriptions discovered in the Tamil country. Sāvaṛṇa Udaiyar succeeded to his father's Viceroyalty in Udaiyagiri and assumed the title the Lord of the Eastern Ocean. He seems to have been fired with the same enthusiasm as roused Kampaņa to action and came to the South as his inscriptions indicate, with the same objects as Kampaņa's, viz., putting an end to the Muslim rule and vanquishing the ruler of Tundira. It is not unlikely that Kampana and he had a previous understanding by which they were to start on the campaigns simultaneously from their respective headquarters Kampana eastward and Sāvanṇa southward.¹0 Sāvanna's first inscriptions in the Tamil country is in Ponnēri (north-eastern boundary of the Chingleput district) dated 1350.¹⁰ª Vīra Sāvaṇṇa must have come into clash with the Sambuvarāya ruler immediately after the date of this inscription and an inscription of his at Sēndalai (Tanjore) dated 1352-53 suggests that the struggle with the Sambuvarāya must have been finished before

8. A.R.E., 357 of 1928-29; 503 of 1906; 500 of 1906; 8 of 1899; 350 of 1927-28; 213 of 1912; 240 of 1912; 504 of 1906; 523 of 1919; 188 of 1903 (this list is almost exhaustive).

9. A.R.E., 357 of 1928-29 from Tiruppalaivanam-Ponnēri Taluk Chingleput Dt. dated 1272 Saka (1350) A.D.

10. A suggestion is made that Kampana came to Tiruvannamalai on a pilgrimage and he constructed a long outer wall to the temple. (Cf. Abidhānachintamani). But the meeting of Kampana and Vira Savaṇṇa in the Tamil country appears to us to be something more than a mere coincidence.

10a. A.R.E., 357 of 1928-29. MADHURAVIJAYAM

28

1352. The Tiruvaṇṇāmalai inscription of Kampa dated 1352 also confirms this.

Vira Sāvaṇṇa seems to have played the most important part in this preliminary campaign against the Sambuvarāya undertaken by about 1350-51. Vira Savanna's general Sāluva Mangu distinguished himself in this campaign as his title Sambuvarāyasthāpanācārya should indicate.¹¹

Kampana might or might not have actually taken part in the first campaign. It is likely he sent in his reinforcements and after the subjugation of the Sambuvaraya territory he stayed in Tiruvanṇāmalai the temporary capital of the Hoysala ruler Vira Ballāla III for a short time. Vīra Savanna, after defeating the Sambuvarāya, reinstated him in his position evidently on his recognising Vijayanagar overlordship.¹2

We do not have inscriptions of Kampana in the Tamil country for some years after 1352 while we have inscriptions of Vira Sāvaṛṇa during this period. We may, therefore, conclude that Kampana returned to Mulbagal after the end of the first campaign leaving the Tamil country under Savanna's control.¹3

11. This title is not only mentioned in some literary works (Ref. the section of Saluva Mangu in this essay) but also in an inscription coming from Villiyanur (A.R.E., 1936-37, p. 80).

12. Kampana must have started early enough from Mulbagal, say about 1350 to direct the operations. The whole affair (viz. the subjugation of the Sambuvarāya) must have ended before 1352 and the Tiruvannamalai inscription of Kampaņa must have been cut only after the end of the victory.

There are two records of 'Savanna dēva Maharaja' at Villiyanallur (A.R.E., 195 and 196 of 1936-37) which refer to Savanna as Sambuvarāyasthāpanāçārya. These are among the very last records of Savaṇṇa.

13. Cf. Madhurāvijayam. Reference is made to Kampana's starting from the Vijayanagar capital on his final campaign the Sambuvaraya. 122047

INTRODUCTION

29

References to the fact that the Vijayanagar prince, reinstated the Sambuvarāya in his position are found in literary sources and also inscriptions. The Jaimini Bhāratam which in its introductory verses gives an account of the deeds of Mangu says explicitly: He established the Sambuvaraya in his kingdom and was distinguished by the title Samparāyasthāpanāçārya or the establisher of Champa. The Sāluvābhyudayam states: "He then overcame the Sambuvarāya in battle whom he reinstated in his kingdom." An inscription from Villiyanallūr refers to the general's title assumed after the defeat of the Sambuvarāya.¹4

Sāvanṇa Udaiyar seems to have actually set up his rule over the Tondaimandalam territory, possibly, as the overlord of Rājanārāyaṇa. An inscription of his found in Tiruvorriyūr, dated 1354-55 refers to the act of negligence on the part of forty eight Agambadiyārs who were punished by Savaṇṇa.¹5 These Agambaḍiyārs were doing policing work for a long time. During Savanna's rule, they neglected their duty with the result that crimes increased. Perhaps by neglecting their duty these Agambaḍiyārs wanted to mark their protest against the foreign rule. For the same inscription tells us that they had done their duty previously satisfactorily, without proving refractory. Disturbances

15

14. Already referred to.

15. This record gives interesting information. The Agambadiyārs of Paduvür "though they had long lived in that place and had been discharging the duties of kaval (police) many dacoities and disturbances had occurred in the village and that consequently the particular Agambadiyārs-about 48 in number-had either to be punished or otherwise corrected." This incidentally throws light on the responsibility of the police officers during that period. The practice of punishing police officers for undetected thefts (and other crimes) is not uncommon in the history of South India. Cf. A.R.E., 240 of 1912.

015:57 M) 30

MADHURĀVIJAYAM

similar to this seem to have characterised the VijayaAnother inscription bears evidence to

nagar rule. this. 16 It says that the images of Nāyanmārs in the Tirukkāriswara temple were desecrated during the period of confusion in the days of Savanna and these images had to be reconsecrated in 1367 by Kampana. All these suggest that while the Vijayanagar overlordship had been accepted by Rājanārāyaṇa by about 1352 the subjects of Rājanārāyaṇa did not leave the conqueror in peace.

2. KAMPANA'S INVASION AND CONQUEST Inscriptions and other sources are silent on the circumstances leading to the second and the final invasion of the Tondaimandalam region by Vijayanagar. The 'disturbances' during Savanna's rule caused by the people of Tondaimandalam might have suggested the unwisdom of the overlord and his vassal ruling side by side. The vassal was the beloved of the subjects while the overlord was only tolerated on account of his superior strength. To remove the danger of a possible surprise rising against the overlord, a total destruction of the vassal's rule might have suggested itself to the Vijayanagar prince. Or could it be that he feared an alliance between the Sambuvarāya and the Sultan of Madhurai? Even if there were no basis for this doubt the destruction of the Sambuvarāya rule in Tondaimandalam might have been considered a necessary prelude to the invasion of Madhurai; for there was no depending on the ruler of Tondaimandalam when such a mighty task, likely to yield the best results if completed successfully, was undertaken. So by way of abundant pre16. Cf. A.R.E., 110 of 1921. INTRODUCTION

caution, Kampaņa might have wiped out the indepen-> dent kingdom of the Sambuvarāya before making his historic march on Madhurai. The fact that he undertook the Madhurai campaign only a decade later (i.e. in 1371) suggests that he took time to stabilise himself in the conquered territory and did his best to endear himself to his new subjects." 17 Inscriptions and the Madhurāvijayam refer to a large scale remission of taxes during this period and also to various acts of philanthropic character. 18 He conferied high honours, titles and privileges on the leading men in the conquered territory to win their co-operation and support.¹ 19 All these perhaps enabled him to get the whole-hearted support of his new subjects which would be impossible if the Sambuvaraya rule had been allowed to continue.

31

This invasion must have taken place only after 1359, the last regnal year of Rājanārāyaṇa, but before 1363, for by that time, as an inscription denotes, it was a fait accompli.20 Only one inscription mentions the name of the Sambuvarāya ruler whcm Kampaņa defeated and it says that it was Venrumaṇkondān. Obviously it was not the father of Rajanārāyaṇa Sambuvaraya, but his son, whom we have referred to earlier as Venrumaņkondan II.21 This Venrumaṇ17. The Madhurāvijayam: Bukka advised his son Kampa first to consolidate his position in Tondaimandalam by 'ruling with due regard to the wishes of the people as the lord of wealth does in the city of Alaka." The interesting point here is he makes these suggestions so that, "it would be easy for you to break the power of the Turushka" (Canto III).

18. Cf. S. Thiruvenkatachari Kampana as viceroy of Vijayanagar. 19. Ibid., (Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1946).

20. A.R.E., 267 of 1919.

21. A.R.E., 267 of 1919 dated Saka 1285-1363 states that Gandargüli Māraya Nayaka vanquished Venrumankondān. MADHURAVIJAYAM

kondān might have, in all probability, provoked the Vijayanagar prince even during the life-time of Rājanārāyaṇa. That we have no record of the successor of Rājanārāyaṇa clearly indicates that he was not allowed to rule over his father's kingdom for any length of time, but was opposed, overthrown, and slain at his accession.

32

As we have already stated, Kampaṇa returned to his seat of Viceroyalty (Mulbagal) soon after finishing his work in the Tamil country in 1352, and spent the period between 1353 and 1359 there. This is suggested not only by the total absence of his inscriptions in the Tamil country, but also by an explicit statement in the Madhurāvijayam." According to it Kampana stayed with his father for sometime, took his advice and then went and stayed at Mulbagal, biding his time. The news about the death of Rājanārāyaṇa and the state of affairs existing in the Tamil country would have been communicated by Savanna who was closely watching events in the Tondaimandalam region as its overlord.

We do not know the exact date on which Kampana started on his campaign. In all probability it must have been soon after Rājanārāyaṇa's death, which must have taken place sometime about 1362. Kampaņa started with a large force consisting of "more than a hundred troops of formidable-looking elephants, war-steeds faster than wind and foot-soldiers in proper dress".23 He placed Māraya Nāyaka at the command. Starting from the capital of Vijayanagar he crossed the Karnata province in five or six days and reached the city of

22. Madhurāvijayam: Canto III. 23. Madhurāvijayam: Canto IV.

INTRODUCTION

Kantakānana (Mulbāgal-or-Mul Vai). He spent some days in that city biding his time to march against the Sambuvaraya ruler. 24 Starting on an auspicious day, he reached the enemy country by stages. He first halted at Virinçipuram for sometime and when the hour for striking arrived, he dashed on the Sambuvarāya capital, Känçi, and laid siege to it. A fierce battle followed between the Vijayanagar forces and the 'dramila' forces. The dramila forces were put to rout by the superior forces of Vijayanagar. "A large number of the Tamil soldiers threw away their weapons in their flight." The Sambuvarāya himself ran away to his Padaividu fortress and took refuge in it. Kampaņa and his forces stayed at Kānçi for sometime, perhaps to prepare themselves for the final attack. Then they started to attack the impregnable Räjagambhiranmalai. They succeeded in scaling the walls of the fort and reached the heights of the hill. The entire forces of the Sambuvaraya on the hill were blocked up and they suffered seriously at the hands of the Vijayanagar troops. The inscriptions credit Maraya Nayaka with having destroyed the formidable enemy (Aliyā Aran) while the Madhurāvijayam refers to a duel fought between Kampaṇa and the Sambuvarāya in which the latter lost his life.25

After the destruction of the Sambuvarāya, the whole of Tondaimandalam was annexed to the Mulbagal Viceroyalty of Vijayanagar. Kānçi became the secondary capital for the Mulbagal Governor. The Madhurāvijayam concludes the account of the Vijaya5

24. Ibid.

25. A.R.E., 255 of 1934-35 also 267 of 1919,

> 34

MADHURAVIJAYA M

nagar victory thus: "After his (Kampaņa's) victory, he established himself at Kānçi and ruled the Tundira (Tondaimandalam) kingdom protecting it from anarchy. From that great city of Maratakanagara, he ruled the earth peacefully and well". An inscription corroborates the poet thus: "Kampana Udaiyar became permanent on the throne after taking possession of Räjagambhirarājya". 27

26. Madhurāvijayam: Canto IV end and Canto V, commencement. There is absolutely no need for any doubt regarding the identification of Maratakanagara. 'Maratakanagara' and 'Kanci' have been used as alternative names in the kavya. Also see Dr. N. Venkataramanayya:

Early Muslim Expansion in South India, page 63.

27. A.R.E., 18 of 1899. (

V. THE CONQUEST OF MADHURAI

1. THE POLITICAL CONDITION PRECEDING THE CONQUEST

Among the territories that suffered the worst rapine and plunder was Ma'bar. According to Khusrau² Ma'bar lay within that distance from Delhi which could be reached after a normal journey of twelve months. As Khusrau says, the Muslim arrows had "never reached that distant land". As regards the identity of Ma'bar there is no doubt. The region of the Coromandal east of Peninsular India might be said to correspond roughly to what was known to Arab geographers as Ma'bar. The author of Taquivim ul-Buldan quoted by Al-Qalquashandi (Subh ul-A-sha) (Ed. by Otto Spies) says that Ma'bar "lies to the east of Kaulam (possibly Kollam or Quilon at three or four days journey in a southerly direction"). Ibn Sa'ib quoted by the same source says, "it is well-known and muslin is exported from there; its washermen are proverbial" What was the condition of Ma'bar at that time ?

The Pandyas who had taken the sovereignty of the South from the Colas were ruling with Madhurai as their capital and Bihr dhal or Vira Dhavalpaṭṭaṇam as a sort of a secondary capital. The empire had, probably as a result of a dynastic feud, come under the rule of more than one king. Marco Polo testifies to the plural monarchy in Ma'bar. Epigraphical evidence lends confirmation to this position just on the eve of Malik

1. Khaza'n-Futuh.

2. Otto Spies: An Arab account of India in the 14th century, (page 38). MADHURAVIJAYAM

36

Kafur's invasion. Dr. Venkataramanyya is of the view, which is tenable, that "each of these five princes seems to have held independent sway over some part of the empire, though the senior most or the most powerful of them was recognised as the supreme head of the state. He alone was most probably crowned; and on him devolved the right of directing the general policy of the empire"

Troubles set in when a war of succession started in the Pandyan Kingdom. Māravarman Kulasēkhara had two sons, Sundara and Vira, the former born of his queen and the latter born of a concubine. Kulasēkhara nominated Vira Pandya to be his successor as he displayed great talents and remarkable shrewdness. Sundara Pandya in great fury assassinated his father and crowned himself king. Vira Pāndya the heirdesignate met his half-brother in a battle near Madhurai and though he was not successful in the beginning, ultimately managed to drive away Sundara Pandya and seized the throne.

According to Wassaf, "Sunder Pandi, trembling and alarmed, fled from his native country and took refuge under the protection of Ala-ud-din of Delhi and Tira Pandi (Vīra Pāndya) become firmly established in his hereditary kingdom". This story is not easily acceptable as the event is placed in the middle of June 1310. Prof. Nilakanta Sastri rightly doubts its veracity because there are inscriptions of Kulasēkhara dated in his forty-fourth regnal year which commenced only in

3. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Early Muslim Expansion in South India.

4. Wassaf. INTRODUCTION

37

the middle of A.D. 1311.5 "It is very unlikely that records continued to be dated in the regnal years of a monarch who had died at his son's hands till more than a year after the event and that too near the capital of the kingdom". Again while Amir Khusrau refers to the enmity between the two brothers ("the two Rais of Ma'bar, Bir Pandya and Sundar Pandya") he does not mention Sundara's taking asylum in Delhi. But on the authority of Wassaf, most of the historians who have written on Malik Kafur's South Indian raids, say that it was Sundara Pandya's treachery to vent a private wrath against his rival Vira Pāndya that brought the Mussalman invader to the distant South. Even Wassaf does not connect the alleged flight of Sundara Pandya to Delhi with the raids of Malik Kafur. Therefore we will not be wrong in taking the raid of Malik Kafur as being timed at an opportune moment and that the Muslim invader was interested neither in Sundara Pandya nor Vira Pāndya but in the fabulous wealth that belonged to both.

After a halt in the Yadava capital of Dēvagiri during which Malik Kafur obtained from Rāmadēva (the Rayi-Rayan) all the materials needed for the Southern campaigns, the Malik started on his campaign guided in his route by one Parașurām Daļavāi a deputy of Rāmadēva who had been instructed to lead the Muslim invader safe out of the Yadava territory. Dr. Venkataramanayya thinks that the Yadava ruler who had been nurturing a deep grievance against the Hoysala Vira Ballāla III gave all possible assistance to Malik Kafur

5. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri: The Pandyan Kingdom. MADHURAVIJAYAM

38

in his campaign against Dwārasamudra. But, while such a view is not wholly untenable, there being nothing to the contrary in the available sources, it will not be fair to question the conduct of the Yadava king by suggesting that he betrayed a fellow-Hindu ruler to avenge former wrongs on the part of the Hōysala. The Yadava king was helpless when the Malik led his incredibly strong army into Dēvagiri and demanded help, not as an ally, but as a bully, on the point of the sword. Dr. Venkataramanayya himself refers to the fact of Malik Kafur having brought a "formidable force" with superior weapons. Naturally the same fear that later made Vira Ballāla meekly submit to the misdeeds of the Malik made Rāmadēva offer all the help that the invader needed in his onward march against Dwarasamudra and Ma'bar.

Malik Kafur raided Dwarasamudra when Vira Ballāla III was absent at Ma'bar trying to capitalise the situation that had arisen as a result of the quarrels between Sundara Pandya and Vira Pandya. As Dr. Venkataramanayya thinks, Vīra Ballāla must have considered the outbreak of civil dissensions in the Pandyan kingdom, "a favourable opportunity for regaining what his uncle and grandfather had lost". Malik Kafur entered Dwārasumudra in February 1311 after doing great havoc en route. Vira Ballala who had to hurry back from the Tamil country did not put forth any stout resistance to the Muslim invader because he knew that his military strength was nothing

6. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Early Muslim Expansion in South India: (M. U. Historical Series No. 17) Chap. on Alauddin Khilji. The learned author has shown that the invasion of the Malik had no political significance. INTRODUCTION

39

before that of Malik Kafur. He sued for peace and accepting humiliating conditions from the Malik, he agreed to be an ally of the invader in the latter's invasion of Ma'bar.

Malik Kafur's forces reached the frontiers of Ma'bar on the ides of March, 1311. Vira Pāndya, unlike Ramadeva and Vira Ballāla, preferred to give fight to the Muslims rather than meekly submit to them. He put all his strength into the fight and when the reckless invaders advanced, Vīra Pandya decided to flee for safety, and from Bir Dhul, where he was encamped he escaped, much to the consternation and chagrin of the avengeful Malik. As soon as Malik Naib discovered that he had been outwitted by Vira Pāndya, he resolved to go to Kannanur and proceeded with a regiment to Kannanūr. But Vira Pandya gave the slip here also. Thus it was a regular game of hide and seek between Vira Pandya and Malik Kafur. It was a great tragedy, which however could not be helped, that Baliāla had to play "the faithful ally", to the marauding forces. After vain pursuits, Malik Kafur gave up the idea of capturing Vīra Pandya but turned his attention on the primary object of his raid, viz., plunder. From Kaṇṇanur he proceeded to Kānçipuram and laid waste the temples found in that great city. After plundering the temples, the Malik went back with his army to Bhir Dhul where he had originally struck camp. From Bhir Dhul his idea was to make a surprise attack on the Pandyan capital where Sundara Pandya was in authority. Sundara Pāndya was forewarned; and by way of abundant caution he had left the city with his household, leaving a couple of temple-elephants in the city. The Malik's assault on Madhurai therefore proved a first rate mis1

MADHURĀVIJAYAM

calculation. All that he could do was to set fire to the temple. Madhurai appeared to him to be too distant and unsafe a place for any lengthy halt. So he had to be more on the defensive in Madhurai. The Pāndyan princes forgot their private quarrels at this hour of danger and under the leadership of Vikrama Pāndya launched an attack on the invading Muslims. This time Malik Kafur sustained a crushing defeat and had to beat a hasty retreat. But by now he had accumulated in his Southern raids a fabulous booty and he carried it safe to Delhi. In recognition of the loyal help that Ballala III rendered to Malik Kafur, Alauddin decorated the Hoysala ruler's son at a special Durbar and presented him with the usual robes of honour.

40

Not a small number of historians have exaggerated the significance of the raids of Malik Kafur. The Tarikh-i-Firoz-Shahi mentions a larger booty than that mentioned by the Tarikh-i-Alai quoted above: The invasion of Malik Kafur had of course no political significance but as a brilliant military raid it had caused as much havoc as one could imagine.

2. THE MADHURAI SULTANATE

Thus troubles had set in for the South with the expedition of Malik Kafur. In 1323 there was another invasion of the South by the Muslims of Delhi during the reign of Ghiyasuddin Tughlak when the Mussalmans succeeded in establishing a Viceroyalty for the

7. Elliot and Dowson-Vol. III, p. 204. "The army reached Delhi bringing with it six hundred and twelve elephants ninety-six thousand "No one could remember anything like it nor was there anything like it recorded in history."

horses" Mariasian sistemala, co mat

INTRODUCTION

41

Delhi Empire in the distant Madhurai. This Viceroyalty lasted a decade, i.e., till 1334. In 1333 taking advantage of the distance that separated Delhi and Madhurai, one Jalal-Uddin Ahsan Shah put an end to the Viceroyalty and became the independent ruler of Madhurai. His rule lasted for five years and he was succeeded by a number of Sultans, the chief among them being Ghaiyas-uddin Damghani at one time trooper in the service of Malik Majur Abu Raja, the Commandar of the Imperial Army stationed in Devagiri.⁹

The Muslim rule lasted for forty-eight years in Madhurai i.e., between 1323 and 1371.¹⁰ The sufferings of the people, especially non-Muslims during the period have been described by both Hindu and Muslim historians. One has only to read the frightful accounts of Ibn Batuta, the Moorish traveller¹¹ and the Madhura8. For an account of the history of the Sultanate of Madura see Dr. S. K. Iyengar: South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders. Also Dr. N. Venkataramanayya's Ma'bar from 1323 to 1317 (J. M. U.) The author is of the opinion that nothing can be said definitely about the period of the Muslim Viceroyalty in Madhurai. But he says: "Though no information is available about the governors of Ma'bar contemporary evidence, both historical and epigraphical, bears ample testimony to the continuity of Muhammad Tughlak's rule in Ma'bar up to 1334." (Cf. Ma'bar, p. 42).

The Maduraittalavaralāru (see App. E. to Sri R. Satyanatha Iyer's Nayaks of Madura, p. 373) is not dependable. It gives of course the names of the governors of Madura but as Dr. N. Venkataramanayya remarks is not possible to accept these names and dates as genuine.

9. Dr. S. K. Iyengar, South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders. Even Ibn Batuta admits that Ghysud-d-din was the worst tyrant.

10. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya: Ma'bar (J.M.U.) also the Pandyan Chronicle. According to it the Muslim rule lasted forty-eight years. "From the year Salivahana (Säka 1246-1323-24) the Muhammadan ruled the kingdom (Vol. I of Tayllor, p. 35).

11. K. A. Nilakantasastri: Foreign Notices: also Briggs: Ferishta's Mahomedan Power-Vol. I, pp. 347-352. Also Elliot and Dowson, Vol. II-Barni's Tarikh-i-Firoz-Shahi, pp. 184-185. Extracts from both have been given above.

6 MADHURAVIJAYAM

vijayam of Gangā Dēvi¹2 to get the details of the Muslim policy towards the Hindus. Inscriptions too refer to the terrible 'Mussalman days'. ¹⁹

13

42

The statements of Ibn Batuta must be of especial importance to us as they are records of his own personal experiences and not based on heresay or previous chronicles. Ibn Batuta had himself, though reluctantly, to witness some of the most ghastly sights. Thus he describes his experience when he went with Ghiyasud-ddin in the latter's anti-Hindu campaigns: "The country we had to traverse was an impenetrable jungle of trees and reeds .... All the infidels found in the jungle were taken prisoners. Each was accompanied by his wife and children and they were thus held to the camp. It is practice here to surround the camp with a palisade having four gates. There may be a second palisade round the king's habitation. Outside the principal enclosure they raise platforms three feet high and light fires on them at night".

"Slaves and sentinels spend the night here, each holding in his hand, a bundle of very thin reeds. When the infidels approach for a night attack on the camp, all the sentries light their faggots, and thanks to the flames, the night becomes as bright as day and the cavalry sets out in pursuit of the idolators. In the morning the Hindus who had been made prisoners the day before were divided into four groups and each of these was led to one of the four gates of the main enclosure. There they were impaled on the posts they had them12. Madhurāvijayam,-Canto VIII.

13. Cf. A.R.E., 434 of 1903 (also S.I.I., Vol. VIII), A.R.E., for 1913, page 128, No. 203 of 1913, a seventh year inscription of Rājanārāyaṇa

Sambuvaraya. INTRODUCTION

43

selves carried. Afterwards their wives were butchered and tied to the stakes by the hair. The children were massacred on the bosoms of their mothers and their corpses left there. Then they struck camp and started cutting down the trees in another forest and all the Hindus who were made captive were treated in the same manner. This is shameful practice and I have not seen any other sovereign adopt it; it was because of this that God hastened the end of Ghiyasud-d-din".¹4

The above gives an idea of the treatment accorded to prisoners. From what has been said above it will become clear that the Sultan without actually facing opposition went on campaigns just for the sake of striking terror in the minds of the 'infidels'. Ibn Batuta's account reads more like the description of an animal hunt of an idle autocrat than the military expedition of a powerful sovereign. Even the Moorish traveller whose sympathy naturally ought to be with his distinguished host, points his finger of scorn at the way in which he treated his subjects and sees in his incredible cruelty the reason for his early death.

More paining is the account that the traveller gives about the Sultan's treatment of his Hindu subjects in his day to day administration. One day the Qazi and he (the traveller) were with the Sultan, the Qazi being to his right and he to his left. An idolator was brought before the Sultan with his wife and son aged seven years. The Sultan made a sign with his hand to the executioners to cut off the head of the idolator. Then he said to them in Arabic "and his son and wife". They cut off their heads and at this the traveller turned his

14. Foreign Notices. 44

MADHURAVIJAYAM

eyes away. When he composed himself he found their heads lying on the ground.

On another occasion he was with Sultan Ghiyasudd-din when a Hindu was brought to him. He spoke words that his guest (the traveller) could not understand and at once many of his followers drew their swords. Ibn Batuta got up hurriedly and the Sultan asked, "Where do you go?" The guest replied: "I go to my afternoon prayers". He understood the guest's motive, laughed and ordered the hands and feet of the idolator to be cut off. On his return Ibn Batuta found that unhappy man swimming in his blood.

The temples suffered no better fate than men. Amir Khusrau gives a painful account of what Malik Kafur did in one place in the Tamil country.¹5 "In Brahmatspuri there was a golden idol round which many elephants were stabled. The Malik started on a night expedition against this place and in the morning seized no less than two hundred and fifty elephants. He then determined on razing the beautiful temple to the ground. You might say that it was the Paradise of Shahdad which after being lost, these hellites had found and that it was the golden Lanka of Ram. The roof was covered with rubies and emeralds. The malik dug this up from its foundations with the greatest care. heads of the Brahmins and the idolators danced from their necks and fell to the ground at their feet. The stone image called Ling Mahadeo which had been a

The

15. The Tarikh-i- Alai of Amir Khusru (Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III) p. 91. Brahmatspuri has been identified with Chidambaram by Dr. S. K. Iyengar. This can be accepted only as a possible identification. Cf. South India and Her Muhammadan invaders. Also Historical Inscriptions of South India by Sewell, p. 177. INTRODUCTION

45

long time established at that place, upto this time the kick of the horse of Islam had not attempted to break. The Mussalmans destroyed all the beings and Deo Narain fell down and the other gods who had fixed their seats there raised their feet and jumped so high that at one leap they reached the foot of Lanka and in that fright the beings would have themselves fled had they any legs to stand on". This was the fate that many other temples suffered during this period. We have a number of inscriptions referring to the damages and desecretion caused to Hindu temples.¹6

A reference to open plunder of the temple properties by the invaders is found in an inscription of Rajanārāyaṇa Sambuvarāya coming from Tiruvorriyur." Before the Muslims took possession of the temple the temple authorities had hidden all the valuable belongings of the temple underground. The Muslims located the hidden treasure and carried away a large part of

it.

The general effect of the establishment of the Sultanate at Madhurai was disastrous. Hindu religious

16. A.R.E., 162 of 1936-37 from Kannanur, the quondam capital of the Hoysalas in the Tiruchirapalli District. It states that the temple of Posaliswaram Udaiyar constructed by Vira Someswara was demolished upto the Adharasilai and converted into a mosque by the Muhammadans during their occupation of the place. It was only after Kampana's conquest that the temple was reconsecrated. A.R.E. of 1909: The temple of Tiruttaliyanda Nayanar at Tiruppattur was occupied by the encamped Muhammadans 'whose time it was' and ruined. In consequence of this the inhabitants of the place became unsettled. At this juncture a certain Visalayadeva of Karaikudi reconsecrated the temple and saved the people from moral and religious degradation". Therefore the villagers conferred on him certain privileges and besides assigning a specified quantity of corn from the harvest reaped by each individual. Alsc 434 of 1903.

17. A.R.E., 203 of 1912. 46

MADHURAVIJAYAM

activities ceased; temple properties were confiscated. Large scale migrations became the order of the day;¹8 handicrafts suffered; there was a large number of unemployed workmen suffering from want.¹9 Cultivation was not regular and many fields were lying empty. 20 In the field of art the product of many years' labour all perished.

3. THE MADHURAVIJAYAM ACCOUNT

The Madhurāvijayam gives a graphic account of the condition in which the Vijayanagar conqueror of the Tamil country found the various holy cities. In Srirangam the Lord of Serpents was warding off the heaps of bricks with the hood lest their fall should disturb the sleep of Yoga in which Hari was worshipped. When one looked at the state of the temples of the other gods also, one's distress knew no bounds.

worms.

were

The foldings of their doors were eaten up by woodThe arches over the inner sanctuaries were rent with wild growths of grass. Those temples which once resonant with the sounds of Mridanga drums were now echoing the fearful howls of jackals. The river Kaveri became deflected very much from her time honoured course and was flowing in all sorts of wrong directions imitating the ruthless invaders. The Brahmin streets where once the sacrificial smoke was seen rising and the chanting of the Vēdas always

18. A.R.E., 276.

19. Ibid.

20. A.R.E., 64 of 1916. "The times were Tulukkan times: The dēvadāna lands of the gods were taxed with kadamai; the temple worship, however, had to be conducted without any reduction! the ulavu or cultivation had to be done by turns (for want of sufficient number of men)". INTRODUCTION

greeted the ear, now sent out the musty odour of meat and resounded with the war-cries of the drunken marauders.21

22

The groves of Madhurai had all been destroyed. The cocoanut trees had all been cut and in their places were to be seen rows of iron spikes with human heads sticking at the points. In the highways which were charming with the sounds of anklets of beautiful women, one heard the ear-piercing noise of the Brahmins being dragged, bound in iron-fetters.

Webs woven by spiders took the place of silk veils with which the dolls adorning the outer-towers of the city were once covered. Royal courtyards which were once cool with the spraying of ice-cold sandal, now contained only the tears of the afflicted Brahmins. The waters of the Tāmraparni which were white with the sandal paste washed from the breasts of charming maidens were now flowing red with the blood of cows slaughtered by the miscreants. Screechings of owls in worn-out pleasure groves did not afflict one so much as the voice of the parrots taught to speak Persian in the houses of the foreigners.

"Vyāghrapuri (Chidambaram) has become in fact the abode of the vyaghras (tigers)."

Earth was no longer the producer of wealth. Rains failed. The god of Death took his undue toll of what was left of the lives not destroyed by the invaders. The Kaliyūga deserved the deepest congratulation; for

21. Madhurāvijayam, canto VIII.

22. Ibn Batuta also mentions this fact. Relevant passages from his accounts have been quoted aiready. Cf. K. A. N. Sastri, Sources, pp. 278-279. 48

MADHURAVIJAYA M

it was now at the zenith of its power. "Hidden is refinement; hushed is the voice of Dharma; destroyed is discipline and gone is nobility of birth".

The state of affairs described above made an immense impression in the minds of the Hindus of South India. In the significant words of Sewell," "Although fighting had been incessant throughout the centuries it had been only between Hindus and whatever suffering was entailed on the mass of the population it did not touch the Brahmin priests or the temple. Dynasties might be wiped out for ever; the chiefs killed, the country devastated but the temples and the persons of the Brahmins were inviolate and these temples were immensely wealthy. For many centuries the civil rulers had lavished on them the revenues of innumerable villages, laid enforced taxes for their support on the people and presented them with all kinds of valuables, precious stones and gold in quantities. And whatever slaughter of people went on the Brahmin remained untouched. The deadliest curse that could be pronounced on a man was as is evidenced by the inscriptions that his punishment hereafter should be like that awarded by the high gods to a man who had killed a Brahmin. And yet there now came down on the Hindus those masses of marauding foreigners sacking the cities, slaughtering the people destroying the ancient fanes and killing even the sacred Brahmins in the name and for the glory of God. The thing was monstrous-unheard of. The result was that the whole of Southern India was convulsed by this catastrophe; the one hope in men's minds

23. Sewell: Historical Inscriptions of South India, p. 177. INTRODUCTION

49

was that some Hindu power would arise to defend the country from any such disaster in future; and when, a few years later, certain princes took the lead, they were enthusiastically supported by almost all parties".

4. EARLIER ATTEMPTS

The first attempt made by any Hindu ruler in the South to relieve the situation was undoubtedly that of the Hoysala ruler Vira Ballāla III. He moved from Dwarasamudra and was camping at Tiruvaṇņāmalai between 1328 and 1340 waiting for an opportunity to strike. He did strike in 1341 at the battle of Kannanur Koppam and was very near ousting the Muslims. He put his entire strength into this final struggle and according to Ibn Batuta he had "100,000 men besides 20,000 Mussalmans, rakes, criminals and fugitive slaves while the Muslim army numbered only 6000 troops". With his large army he "routed the Muslims near Kubban (Kuppam). He besieged it for six months at the end of which the garrisons had provisions for only fourteen days".

The Muslims made overtures for peace and Ballala said he would agree if he was allowed to occupy the town. The Muslim soldiers said they would not accept any responsibility but should get the consent of the Sultan. The Hoysala ruler offered them a truce for a fortnight and informed the Sultan about the terms of the peace. The 'Faithful' wept and said, "We will sacrifice our lives to God; if the infidel takes that town (Kuppam) he will then lay siege to us; we prefer to

24. E.C., Vol. XI, Db. 14; Dv. 60, v. Ak. 66 (also p. 71 of Vol. IX). Also Sewell: Historical Inscriptions of South India, p. 183. 25. K. A. N. Sastri: Foreign Notices, p. 280.

7 50

MADHURAVIJAYAM

die by the sword". Then the Muslims soldiers engaged to expose themselves to death and set out the very next day removing their turbans from their heads and placing them round the necks of their horses to indicate that each of them sought death.26

In the battle that followed again, between the forces of Ballala and those of the Sultan, luck was on the side of the Muslims; Ballāla was captured and later put to death in a very cruel manner. "His skin was stuffed with straw and hung up on the wall of Madhurai where I saw it in the same position".2

27

Thus Ballaia III the most persistent and dangerous enemy of the Sultanate was destroyed.

For a period of thirty years after the Hoysala defeat no organised attempt was made by any Hindu ruler to strike again. But the ground was kept ready for Kampana by Sāvanṇa Udaiyār who began his work of clearing even as early as 1352. The presence of his inscription dated 1352-53 at Sendalai shows that he had cleared the path for his cousin as far as the Tanjore District.28 It is very likely he had been helped by the Mulbagal army, for Kampaṇa was then camping at Tiruvaṇṇāmalai and it is not unlikely that Sāvaṇṇa had been fully instructed by him in regard to the work to be done by him.2

29

After his occupation of Kancipuram in 1359, Kampaņa took time to stabilise his position in Tondaimandalam. It may be assumed on the strength of the

26. Ibn Batuta. Cf. Foreign Notices.

27. Ibid.

28. Refer to section on Vijayanagar invasions of Tondaimandalam. 29. This has been already discussed. INTRODUCTION

51

available evidence that he waited for over a decade to launch his attack on Madhurai.

5. KAMPAŅA'S CONQUEST

The favourable circumstances which Kampaņa awaited came during the rule of Qurbat Hassan Kangu the last ruler of Madhurai. He had absolutely no previous experience in South India for he had been brought from Daulatabad to fill a vacant throne in Madhurai.30 Evidently there was no suitable person to rule over Madhurai after Nasiruddin. To go to Delhi with a request for a suitable occupant was out of the question not only because the Muslims had severed their connection with it but also because it was very distant. Again the Muslims of the Madhurai Kingdom had already a powerful Hindu neighbour in Kampaṇa whom they had to guard against. By this time the Bahmani and Vijayanagar kingdoms had come to look upon each other as rivals. So the Muslims of Madhurai wanted to get into touch with the Bahmani kingdom with whose assistance they could destroy the Vijayanagar power near their own territories. This Qurbat Hassan was a relative of Hassan Kangu, most probably his sonin-law; for Qurbat means son-in-law.³1 In a sense by the election and elevation of Qurbat to the throne the Bahmani rule was established in Madhurai. It is interesting now to note that while in the Deccan the Vijayanagar and Bahmani kingdoms stood side by side, frowning upon each other, in the South their viceroyal30. Cf., Tarikh-i-Firoz-Shahi: "When the great king Sultan Muhammad died firmans bearing our signatures were despatched to you. You had shown no obedience to our orders and went to Daulatabad, brought Qurbat Hassan Kangu and set him up in Ma'bar." (Tr. by Dr. N. Venkataramanayya, Ma'bar, pp. 58-59).

31. S. H. O. Hodivala: Studies in Indo-Muslim History, p. 326. 52

MADHURAVIJAYAM

ties stood side by side in mutual fear and suspicion. But the choice of Qurbat, though based on high political and ambitious considerations, was not at all a satisfactory choice. And this was the Vijayanagara ruler's golden opportunity.

Qurbat did not get on well with his own people. He had displeased them by foolish and vulgar acts. When he helid court in the hall of audience "he would put on his hands and feet and neck all the ornaments of women; he would engage himself.... in base actions. In short when Qurbat Hassan Kangu commenced to do such things in the city of Ma'bar the people of Ma'bar were indefinitely distressed on account of him and were disgusted with him and his activities."32

The opportunity was made use of by Kampaņa who marched against Madhurai sometime before 1371. Kampaņa had a vast force which included a good number of well-trained war elephants.3³3 This fact receives confirmation both from the Muslim and Hindu sources. The battle between the Hindu and Muslim forces was a tough one and was for a time undecisive.

34

32. Dr. N. Venkataramanayya's Translation, p. 63 of Ma'bar. Elliot and Dowson have translated the passage in Shams-Siraj Afif's Tarikh-iFiroz Shahi thus: "When this Kurbat held his court he appeared decked in hand and foot with female ornaments and made himself notorious for his puerile actions." (Page 339 of Vol. III). But Mr. S. H. Hodivala in his Indo-Muslim History, (pp. 326-327) says: "What Shams really charges him with is something much more culpable and flagitious than puerility. It is pederasty or homo-sexual vice."

33. Canto VIII.

34. Cf. Shams-Siraj Afif: Tarikh-i-Firoz-Shahi: (Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, p. 339). A neighbouring chief named Bukkan at the head of a body of men and elephants marched into Ma'bar. Cf. Madhurāvijayam, Canto VIII. According to this work the Muslims also employed a large number of elephants.

V INTRODUCTION

But when the "crow banner" of the Yavana king which worked like the personification of the crown of Kali was destroyed by Kampana the Muslim hope of victory was also gone. Determined to make an end of the Yavana king Kampaņa armed himself with the divine sword 'which looked as terrible as Yama himself'.35 That sword, as it was being waved by the hand of Kampa, looked like a serpent about to drink the life blood from the Yavana's body. Kampaṇa having seated himself on his agile horse avoiding the blows aimed by the Yavana cut off the head of the Yavana. The head of the Suratrana fell on the ground the head that never knew the art of bowing down servantlike, the head that had so long borne the royal burden of the Turushka Sāmrājya and which had not bent down even before gods. Kampana was astonished to see that even after the head has fallen, one of the hands of the enemy was still holding the reins of the horse while the other was in the act of striking back.36

53

Both the Madhurāvijayam and the Ramabhyudayam refer to a duel in which the Sultan met his death. In the former the duel is said to have taken place between Kampana and the Sultan while in the latter it is said to have taken place between Mangu and the Sultan.37 While such information has its own interest, it is very much to be doubted if there was even a duel at all though the final result, i.e., victory of Kampaņa is beyond dispute. So far is Gangā Dēvi's account of the battle.

35. Madhurāvijayam, Canto VIII. 36. Ibid.

37. Ibid. Also, Rāmābhyudhayam. MADHURAVIJAYAM

The Muslim account is different: "A neighbouring chief named Bukka at the head of a body of men and elephants marched into Ma'bar and made Qurbat Hasan Kangu prisoner. He made himself master of all Ma'bar which had belonged to Muhammadans; their women suffered violence and captivity in the hands of the Hindus and Bukka established himself as ruler of Ma'bar" 3

38

54

The death of the Sultan was not however immediately followed by the surrender of the Muslims. The Muslims seem to have shut themselves up inside the fort while the battle was going on between Kampana and Qurbat outside the gate. As soon as the Sultan fell, the Hindu troops began to march towards the interior, but the gate was closed. The Jaimini Bharatam refers to the smashing of the gate by Saluva Mangu after which the Muslims were forced to surrender.39⁹ According to the last stanza of the Madhurāvijayam which is incomplete, the king (Kampa) "vouchsafed safety to the defeated warriors in the enemy rank" though Shams-Siraj Afif says that the vanquished (especially women) suffered violence at the hands of the Hindus."

40

Even after their defeat the Muslims made frantic attempts to revive their Sultanate at Madhurai. Now that an experiment with a representative from the Bahmani dynasty had been tried and had failed miserably, they could only think of Delhi. The Tarikh-iFiroz-Shahi gives us the interesting information that the

38. Cf. Shams-Siraj Afif.

39. Jaimini Bharatam (Sources: p. 29.)

40. Madhurāvijayam (last canto, last stanza) and Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, p. 339. INTRODUCTION

vanquished Muslims went to Delhi and pleaded forgiveness for their folly and requested Firoz Shah the Emperor to give them help. But Firoz Shah seems to have sent them away with an evasive reply.

55

"When Firoz Shah succeeded to the throne, his edicts were sent into Ma'bar but the people of the country rebelled and going to Daulatabad they made Qurbat Kangu king of Ma'bar. So as soon as the messengers from Madhurai gave the woeful tidings and craved pardon for overthrowing the Imperial Authority, the Sultan reproached them for their repudiation of his authority and for now resorting to him in their distress. He told them that his army was weary and exhausted with the late campaign (at Thatta) and long marches but that after it had rested and recouped its strength he would proceed towards Ma'bar. The ambassadors were sent back with assurance of forgiveness and he devoted himself to business."41

Firoz Shah being the wisest Sultan of the Tughlak dynasty did not think it worthwhile to keep his promise of capturing Madhurai. For besides the strain it involved on the army there was no guarantee if the second viceroyalty of Madhurai would not shake off its allegiance to Delhi and with the lesson he had learnt once he took a vow never more to trust distant viceroys. So the Muslim rule ended for ever in Madhurai in 1371, with its destruction by Vijayanagar.¹2

41. Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, p. 339.

42. There is a theory, resting on flimsy grounds that Kampaṇa restored the Pandyas to their former position in Madhurai after instituting enquiries regarding a suitable representative from the Pandyan family. This receives the support of no less a scholar than the Rev. Father Heras himself. (cf. The Aravidu Dynasty, p. 106). "One of the most transcendental acts of Kumāra Kampana in the South was the resper56

MADHURAVIJAYAM

APPENDIX

The Sultans of Madhurai (1334 to 1371)

Jalal-ud-din Ahsan Shah

1334-1339

'Ala-ud-din Udaiji

1339-1340

Qutb-ud-Din

Ghiyas-ud-din Damghani

Nasir-ud-din

Qurbat Hassan Kangu

..

1340

1341-43

1343-1352

1353-1371

sons of their race and their respective rights. The result of these inquiries was the coronation of Soma Sekhara Pandya as the Pandya sovereign."

Except the evidence of the Taylor O. H. Mss., on which Rev. Father Heras has based his theory we have no other strong evidence. (ref. Taylor O. H. Mss.--Supplementary Mss., p. 202). VI. THE GENERALS OF KAMPAŅA

1. GENERAL GÖPANA

We do not have much information about Gōpaṇa the Brahmin general of Kampana from inscriptions. The only inscription that gives us valuable, though brief, account of the general's exploits, is the famous Srirangam inscription, which is appended to this section translated into English. Our entire knowledge of Gōpana is obtained only from references in literary works, the important among which are, the Koilolugu and the Prapannāmrtam of Anantarya.² The information contained in the inscription at Srirangam is available in the same form in the Prapannāmrtam in which Dēşika, the author of the verse inscribed at Srirangam is quoted by Anantārya.³

So long as we lack further epigraphical confirmation we cannot say if Gōpana played so great a part in defeating the Muslims as he played in the restoration of God Ranganatha to the shrine at Srirangam. Of course there is no doubt that he was an important officer of Kampaņa for an inscription contains Sāluva Mangu's reference to Gōpaṇa as his superior officer (Annar); but beyond this reference there is no other information about the nature of the help he gave Kampaṇa in the latter's defeat of the Sultan of Madhurai. It is probable that Kampana took with him a force under Gōpana's

1. E.I., Vol. VI, No. 33, edited by Dr. E. Hultzsch. Also see Appendix at the end.

2. See Sources (The Prapannāmrtam, pp. 34-40).

3. The very last slöka in the extract on p. 40 beginning

4. Cf., A.R.E., No. 52 of 1905.

8 58

MADHURAVIJAYAM

lead which was required only to restore order in the temples conquered back from the Muslims on his way to Madhurai. Gōpana was left at Srirangam to watch over the temple with a small garrison. Gōpana's part in the campaign was perhaps mostly confined to restoring order in the temples retaken from the Muslims.5

The literary sources give us the interesting information that the images of Sriranganātha were taken away by Vēdānta Dēṣika and Lōkaçārya before the Muslim entry into the temple, first, to Sundarāchalam (Alagarmalai) and then to the Kerala country. After a short stay in that country, Dēṣika took these images to Tirunārāyaṇapuram in Mysore and finally installed them at Tirupati. By this time the Sultanate had grown and declined. Kampaņa had made up his mind to wipe it out. Gōpana removed the idols to Ginjee, his own headquarters, and worshipped them in a cave-temple till he started with Kampana.

Regarding Gōpana being a contemporary of Dēşika there is no doubt. Hultzch says,' that the Guruparamparaprabhāva must be wrong in making Gōpanārāyar a contemporary of Vēdānta Dēṣika. As the Guruparampara gives 1270 A.D. as the date of Sri Vēdānta Dēşika's birth, Hultzch thought that Dēşika could not have lived till the days of Kampaṇa and composed the verse on Gopaṇa. Therefore, he says, "the alleged birthday of Vēdānta Dēṣika in Kaliyuga 4370, the Sukla Samvatsara is a pure invention." While

5. Dr. N. Venkataramanyya: Ma'bar (J.M.U.).

"It was on this occasion that Göpana installed the images of Sriranganātha and His Consorts which he brought from Ginjee."

6. Cf. Prapannāmrtam, (Sources: pp. 38-39). (Trans. appended). 7. Epigraphia Indica. Vol. VI, p. 323. }

¡

INTRODUCTION

}

there is some reason for such a belief, however, it is not unlikely that Dēṣika was born in 1270 and did live till 1371. For the tradition preserved in Vaishnavite literature gives us the information that Dēṣika lived for a hundred years. In that case the verse inscribed on the Srirangam temple must have been composed by him shortly before his death. The Guruparampara information regarding the date of Vēdānta Dēṣika and his being a contemporary of Gōpaṇa may not be incorrect, though Hultzch has thought otherwise. There is no disputing the fact that Dēşika lived during this period of stress and storm. His work, the Abhītistava, is a book containing the prayer that he offered to god for protecting Hinduism from the disasters of the foreign invasion. By the time the Abhītistava was composed the Muslims were in actual occupation of Srirangam as is evident from the work itself.

59

As we have remarked in the beginning, till we get more epigraphical information regarding Gōpaņa's exploits, we must resist all temptation to over-estimate the part he played in removing Muslim influence from the South. The only fact that can be said about him definitely is that he was responsible for restoring order in Srīrangam and reconsecrating the Ranganātha temple with its original deities.⁹

8. The title itself suggests the fear "bhiti" caused by the Muslims. The title if rendered and expanded in English would mean "Prayer to God for removing the fear (from the Muslims)."

9. My attention has been drawn to the existence of a Telugu work called Sindhumatīvilasamu written by Gōpana. story of the romance between Jaya and Sindhumati and the scene of The book tells the the story is laid in Madhurai. In the colophon to the work Gōpana is mentioned as the disciple of Vēdānta Dēşika. Děsika taught him the Aştāksarī mantra. I have not read the manuscript, but the above information is sufficient to strengthen my suggestion that Gōpāṇa and Vēdanta Dēşīka were contemporaries. I am grateful to Sri N. Venkata MADHURAVIJAYAM

2. SĀĻUVA MANGU

We have already seen that Mangu was the general under Sāvaṛṇa, the prince of Udaiyagiri, who distinguished himself by defeating the Sambuvaraya ruler and making him accept the Vijayanagar overlordship. The references to Mangu are found, mostly in literary sources, and if literature alone should be taken into account in assessing the respective worths of the various generals that aided Kampaṇa in his mission, Mangu easily gets the first place. We have some interesting information about the family of Mangu in both the Säluvabhyudayam of Rajanātha Dindima and the Rāmabhyudayam of Sāluva Narasimha.¹0 According to these, Mangu was the son of one Gunda, the chief of Kalyāṇa. Three other members of the Sāluva dynasty prior to Gunda have been mentioned-Mallidēva, Mangidēva and Mangatha, but Gunda alone became famous by his fine qualities and valour. The city of Kalyana which was his capital outrivalled Amaravati in splendour, Gunda distinguished himself by leading an expedition into Rāmadurga where he subdued the uncontrolled ruler of the Sabharas and also annexed his territories.

50

The information given above is contained only in the two works already mentioned. But his exploits in the Tamil country have been mentioned and described in all the other sources-the Jaimini Bharatam of Pillalāmarri Pinavīrabhadrudu,¹¹ and epigraphical records.

Rao, Head of the Department of Telugu, University of Madras, for giving me information about the Sindhumativilāsamu.

10. Sources of Vijayanagar: (Madras University) pp. 32-34. 11. Ibid., pp. 29-30. 1

INTRODUCTION

Regarding the status of Mangu, the Rāmabhyudayam gives him equal status with Kampana's. It states that he became a close friend of Kampaṇa.¹2 The author, Narasimha, the first king of the Saluva dynasty mentions him as an accredited ancestor of his. But, while Mangu did occupy an important position, he could not have been an equal of Kampaņa in status, according to epigraphical information which should be considered more reliable than that found in literary sources which have a tendency to exaggerate. He had close association with Kampaņa only after coming to the Tamil country as the general of Savanna. Even in the Tamil country he was not the Commander-in-chief. He was subordinate in rank even to Gōpana. This is acknowledged by Mangu himself who refers to Gōpaṇa as "Annar Gōpana" "13 (the senior officer).

12

61

There is no doubt that Mangu contributed a good deal towards the success of Vijayanagar arms against Tondaimandalam and Madhurai. In the first campaign against the Sambuvarāya led by Savanna, he influenced his master to pardon the Sambuvarāya ruler and restored him to the kingdom and took the title of Sambuvarāyasthāpanāçārya.¹4 Except the Madhurăvijayam which says that the Sultan of 'Madhurai died in a duel with Kampaņa, all the other literary works make Mangu the victor against the Sultan.15 He celebrated his

12. Sources (page 33).

13. Ref. A.R.E., 52 of 1905-Inscription at Dalavanur (S. A. Dt.) dated Saka 1285 (1363 A.D.). Records an order of Säluva Mangu deva Maharaja issued according to a letter from Annar Gōpannar.

14. Cf. Dr. Venkataramanayya's article: Ma'bar from 1323 to 1371 (J.M.U., Vol. XI, No. 1 pp. 41-65), page 61.

15. cf. The Jaimini Bharatamu; the Ramabhyudayam and the Säluvabhyudayam. 0HE

62

MADHURAVIJAYAM

success against the Muslims by erecting a pillar of victory on the banks of the Tamraparṇi.¹6

Regarding Mangu's service to his gods and religion we have some information. After his defeat of the Sultan he straight went to Srirangam "round which the Kāvēri flows, with her lotuses, as if in worship of Ranganatha." "17 He bathed in the Kāvēri and gave away a thousand Sālagrāmas besides making all the "sixteen different gifts." He also presented eight agraharas, well-formed clean, and every way worthy to be presented to the temple, as if to signify his conquest of the eight directions.¹8 Besides these, he made a large endowment of sixty-thousand madas of gold to the temple."1⁹

The Venkateswara temple at Tirupati was also the recipient of rich gifts from the General. Mangu made a golden kalasam and fixed it over the vimanam of the shrine of Sri Venkateswara.

Mangu assumed high sounding titles and some of these are: Gūrjariyatta vipāta, Sāluvēndra, Katārikasaluva2⁰ (the last two being common to all Sāluvas), Maharāja, Gandarguli, Dakshina Suratrāna Tribhuvanarāya Sthapanacārya Sambuvarāyasthāpanāçārya, 21 and Srirangasthāpanāçārya.22

16. Ramabhyudayam.

17. Ibid.

18. Both the Sāluvābhyudayam and Rāmabhyudayam mention this, but we lack epigraphical confirmation.

19. The Jaimini Bharatamu.

20. Saluvabhyudayam (Sources: p. 31).

21. An inscription from Villiyanur dated Saka 1292 (1370 A.D.). The title Mahāmandalēṣwara is also found in the inscription. A.R.E., for 1936-37, p. 80.

22. Saluvābhyudayam (Sources: p. 31). INTRODUCTION

3. SÖMAPPA DANDANAYAKA

The parts played by Mahāpradhāni Sōmappa Dannayaka and his son were as important as those played by the Brahmin General Gōpanna and literature is silent on Sōmappa and his son Māraya Nayaka. This silence is however amply made up by inscriptions which have recorded the noble services rendered by these generals.

Sōmappa was at first the trusted minister of Kampaņa at Mulbagal. He was very popular and loved by all. The following tribute is paid to his scholarship, capacity and statesmanship in an inscription at Kolar: 24 "Kampana's minister, magnanimous, endowed with numerous good qualities, of upright conduct, versed in all branches of learning, exalted by his perfect prosperity, skilled in politics was the illustrious Sōmappa". He built a grand temple to Sri Sōmanātha and richly endowed it. After the completion of the shrine he invited his master to it and perhaps requested him to declare it open on an auspicious day. "Sōmappa in order to acquire religious merit built the temple of Sri Sōmanātha. At some time after this, in observance of the Monday vow (Sōmavāra Vrata) the king paid a visit to the most blessed God Sōmanātha. Seeing the god comfortably lodged in the temple built by his minister, the generous king made a grant of a large village for the god."

Sōmappa was also a great Sanskrit scholar.25

Sōmappa does not appear to have distinguished himself as a Dannāyaka. Perhaps he continued to dis63

23. E.C., Vol. X, part i, No. 222 of Kolar; No. 58 of Mulbagal,

P. 91.

24.

No. 222 of Kolar, E.C., Vcl. X, p. 64.

25. Cf., 118 of 1913. A record from Kadiri. No. 523 of 1906. PRIMA

64

MADHURAVIJAYAM

charge his ministerial duties during Kampaņa's campaigns in the Tamil country when he also stayed in the Tamil country. His title 'Dannāyaka' had evidently no military significance but only denoted that he was engaged in civil affairs during war-period. Sōmappa helped Kampaņa to inspect and supervise the temples in the Tamil country so that worship in all the temples might be conducted as of old. He also helped Kampaņa to reorganise the temple-precincts.26 (Tirumadivilāgam).

4. GANDARGULI MARAYA NAYAKA

Sōmappa had two sons. One was the glorious Maraya Nayaka and the other was Dharani Appar. We do not know anything about the second son except that he is mentioned in an inscription. But Māraya Nayaka distinguished himself very creditably by his exploits the chief of them being his capture of the Rajagambhīra fortress and defeat of the last Sambūvarāya ruler. 27 He well deserved the title 'Aliyā Aran Alitta'28 which he assumed or which he was given for he fulfilled a part of Kampaņa's mission in the Tamil country. In memory of his historic victory over the Sambūvarāya he constructed a huge Gopura and named it Gandarguli Māraya Nayaka-tiru-Gopuram.

26. Cf. A.R.E., 34 of 1919. Marakanam (S. Arcot). Reference to Tirumadaivilagam and a newly formed street'. Also A.R.E., 203 of 1921 at Serkad (Saka 1283 or 1361 A.D.). Registers free colonisation of the Tirumadaivilagam at the instance of Sōmappa Udaiyar "for the continuity of the rule of Kampana." And A.R.E.. 203 of 1931-32 Punganur.

Somappa is also mentioned along with Annar Goppannar in the Koyilolugu (cf.: Introduction by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao to the Madhuravijayam).

27. Cf. A.R.E., Nos. 267 and 268 of 1919 dated 1363.

28. Cf. Chapter: Vijayanagar Invasions of Tondaimandalam. INTRODUCTION

65

APPENDIX

Ranganatha Inscription of Gōpaṇa

Hail! Prosperity! In the Saka year (expressed by the chronogram) bandhupriya (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1293).

(Verse I). Having brought (the god) from the Anjanādri (mountain), the splendour of whose darkish peaks gives delight to the world, having worshipped (Him) at Chenchi for some time, then having slain the Tulushkas whose bows were raised,-Gōpanārya, the mirror of fame, placing Ranganatha together with both Lakshmi and the Bū Dēvi in his own town, again duly performed excellent worship.

9

(Verse II) Having carried Rangarāja, the Lord of the world, from the slope of the Vrishabhagiri (mountain) to his capital, having slain by his army the proud Tulushka soldiers, having made the site of Sriranga united with the golden age (Kritayuga) and having placed there this (god) together with Lakshmi and the Bū Dēvi, the Brahman Gōpaṇa duly performs, like the lotus-born (Brahma) the worship which has to be practised. VII. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES

1. Dugdhavāhini or kshiratarangini means the

Palar river.

2. Kantakānanapaṭṭaṇam is the same as Mulvāipattanam, the modern Mulbagal, or, more properly, Mudlabāgalu (the eastern gate, so-called from its location at the eastern pass from the table-land of Mysore to the temple of Tirupathi). The name also appears as Mulvāyi in old inscriptions. It is an important town eighteen miles east-north-east of Kolar on the old Bangalore-Madras road by the Mugli pass. It is now the headquarters of the Mulbagal taluk. The taluk formed part of the Mahāvali or Bāṇa territory from the beginning of the Christian era. Later, the Pallavas became the overlords of the area, while the Vaidumbas held some portion of the northern region. The Cōļla kings, Parantaka and Virarājēndra subdued the Vaidumbas in the 10th and 11th centuries. Vīra Cola and Vikrama Cola are held to have erected shasanas at Mulbagal and other places in the vicinity. This area was known as niharili Cola mandala.

About 1117 A.D. the Hoysalas under Vishnuvardhana captured Talakar and Kōlālapura (Kolar). On the death of Somēsvara in 1254, a partition of the Hoysala dominions took place between his two sons and the Mulbagal region was included in the Tamil provinces which fell to the share of Ramanātha. Soon afterwards when the two portions of the Hoysala dominions were reunited under Ballāla III we find him residing, after the destruction of Dwarasamudra, in Hosur, 1

INTRODUCTION

67

Under Bukkarāya I this region was the eastern march of the kingdom of Vijayanagar. It came to be the seat of government for the Kolar province.

3. Maratakanagara: This used to be identified with Virincipuram in the North Arcot district on the basis of the name of a local goddess called Marakathavalli. But if the Madhurāvijayam were closely looked into, Kāncipuram would appear a better choice. Bukka, in the course of his exhortation to Prince Kampaņa on the eve of the Tondaimandalam campaigns, asks him to "march successfully to Tundira (Tonḍaimandalam) and overcome the people headed by the Sambuvarāya who are preparing for war." Then the king continues: "Then establish yourself at Kānci and rule there with due regard to the wishes of the people, even like the Lord of Wealth does in the city of Alaka." (Canto III, slōka 41). Again there is this information in the last stanza of Canto IV: "Having thus killed the Sambuvarāya in the field of battle, King Kampana received the decree of his father that he should rule the conquered territory. With the fame of his victory duly established in Kanci, he inaugurated a just and prosperous rule over Tondaimandalam destroying all confusion in castes and religious orders." Immediately following this Marataka is mentioned as the "great city" in which "Kampaņa established himself and ruled the earth peacefully and well." Therefore, there can be no doubt that Kancipuram and Marathakanagara are identical. It is not possible to say when this alternate name for Kancipuram became well-known. Kāncīpuram was the capital of the Sambuvarāyas and Kampaņa's residence in it after the destruction of the Saṁbuvarāya rule is quite normal. MADHURAVIJAYAM

4. Rājagambhira: This is identified with Padaividu which was the hill fortress of the Sambuvarāya's. It was also known as Rājagambhiranmalai. Kampana captured the fortress and slew his enemy in a single fort. As regards Padaivīdu, it was originally the seat of a Kurumba dynasty of indigenous tribal rulers. It was once a large city, about sixteen miles in circumference, and full of temples and fine private residences. "The extent of the city may be judged from the fact that the present villages of Sandaivasal where the fair or sandai was held and Pushpagiri, the site of the flower market, are four miles apart. The city is believed to have been entombed by a shower of dust and stones. There are two extensive but ruined forts upon the plains, built doubtless by the Kurumbas and another upon a peak of the Javadi hills which overlooks the city." (cf: Manual of the North Arcot District, Vol. II, page 401).

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5. Srirangam: The island town of Srirangam is contiguous to the Tiruchirapalli Municipality. It should have suffered both from Malik Kafur's raids and from those of the Madhurai Sultans. The battle of Kannanūr Koppam (Kandur) should have been preceded by the destruction of a good part of Srirangam. The Madhurāvijayam mentions the lamentable condition of the city on the eve of Kampana's march on Madhurai.

6. Virincinagara was included in the Padaivīdu Rājya. It is situated about eight miles to the west of Vellore and is noted for its temple of Margasahāya (Valittunai Nainār). The name Virinci signifies Brahma. The temple was greatly beautified by Bommi Reddi of Vellore and his successors. The temple is celebrated in a work called Virincipuranātha carita by Navonito Kavi. INTRODUCTION

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7. Vyāgrapuri.: There is no doubt that it is the same as Chidambaram. The Brahmatspuri of Amir Khusrau is also identified with Chidambaram by Dr. S. K. Aiyangar (vide South India and her Muhammadan Invaders, page 108). Though such an identification is not borne out by other sources, there is no harm in tentatively accepting it. The Madhurāvijayam refers to the damage suffered by Chidambaram possibly as the result of the campaigns of Malik Kafur. Gangă Dēvi plays on the name Vyāgrapuri so that it might also give the meaning "the abode of tigers." MADHURĀVIJAY

PART-II AM View PART II

TRANSLATION AND TEXT PUERT THE MADHURĀVIJAYAM OF GANGĀ DĒVI

(Translation)

Canto: I

Slōkās 1 to 16: Ganga Dēvi's obeisance to the poets who influenced her.

1. May the elephant-faced God, who, like the divine Kalpavṛkṣa fulfils the desires of those that surrender to His Grace, be propitious to the good.

2. For the sake of wisdom, I prayerfully approach God Siva and His Spouse, who embody the light of Universal Consciousness and who bear the form of the Creator's model for making man and woman.

3. I make obeisance to Goddess Saraswati who lives in the lotus-like mouths of great poets, as a Sārika bird in a jewelled cage and who acts like moonlight on the ocean of Universal Intelligence.

4. I bow to Guru Kriyāśakti, unparalleled in wisdom and resplendent with auspiciousness like another Triloçana (Śiva) with Sarvamangalā (Pārvati) shining (by his side).

5. May the sage Vālmīki, who is (as it were) the first foot set on this earth by poesy, bring cheerfulness to the minds of the virtuous.

6. Just as there is delicious juice in every joint of red sugar-cane, there is sweet essence in every section of <error>Vyāsā's</error><fix>Vyāsa's</fix> string of expressions (the Mahābhārata) which imparts immediate enjoyment to men of good taste.

7. Who are the poets that do not play the role of a slave to Kālidāsa? For even now those that are, live by his ideas.

8. How could others comprehend the eloquence of Bhaṭṭa Bāṇa, which captivates like the musical sound of the vīṇā played by Saraswati's own hand?

9. Just as the garland of vakula flowers yields its sweet fragrance only when pressed, so too, the language of Bhāravi discloses its excellence and gives delight to the learned only if pondered upon.

10. The flourish of expressions of Açārya Daṇḍin, drunk (as it were) with the wealth of nectar, shines like the fashionable precious stone-mirror of the Creator's Spouse.

11. I fancy that Bhavabhūti's compositions must be some species of Kāmadhēnu; for they produce in the ears of the learned a pleasure akin to the drinking of ambrosia.

12. Whom would the expressions of the poet of Karṇāmṛta fail to delight--expressions which are an ocean of honey flowing from the flower clusters of the mandāra tree?

13. Even as the thirsty <error>cākōrā</error><fix>cākōra</fix> birds love to drink the rays of the moon, poets find immense relish in the composition of Kavi Tikkayya.

14. Breathes there the man of learning who will not be jealous of the poet Agastya whose wealth of learning is demonstrated by the production of as many as seventyfour poetic compositions?

15. We respectfully greet the great poet Gangādhara as a second Vyāsa, in that he has made the story of the Bhārata actually seen by the device of dramatization.

16. May the lord of poets, Visvanātha, flourish long; for it is by his grace, even in individuals like myself, has dawned a sense of omniscience.

<error>Slōkās</error><fix>Slōkas</fix> 17 to 24: Gangā Dēvi on literary criticism.

17. There is sense in some, idea in some, and sentiment in some; but nowhere is found a work where all these exist together.

18. Even as a single salt particle from an oystershell spoils the liquid essence of black sandal, so too, even the smallest flaw found in a poetic work renders it censurable.

19. Just as an ugly woman, though virtuous, is not pleasing to her husband, a faultless poetic composition, if devoid of qualities (fineness), does not satisfy the man of learning.

20. A vile man searches for faults in a poetic composition, in disregard of its merits, even as the crow shows a preference to the nimba (fruit) without caring for the mango in the forest.

21. How long can a plagiarist dally with poesy obtained by stealing? For shortlived is the radiance of artificial colouring in a fictitious stone. 22. Logicians, there are many; grammarians--they abound in thousands; but scarcely can be found poets who are charming by reason of their beautiful songs.

23. What is there that the composition of a poet does not yield? It promotes fame, serves for wealth, destroys baseness and awakens delight.

24. A connoisseur of learning needs no invitation to listen to good poetry. Who urges the bee to taste the sweetness of honey?

<error>Slōkās</error><fix>Slōkas</fix> 25 to 42: The greatness of Bukka, the father of Kampaṇa, is described.

25. Oh learned men, please listen, therefore, to this poem of mine dealing with the history of king Kampaṇa, going by the famous title of the Conquest of Madhurā (Madhurā Vijayam).

26. There was a famous king called Bukka who was the younger brother of Harihara and whose commands were borne on their heads by all the neighbouring vassals.

27. Like Sēṣa among serpents, Himavān among mountains, and Viṣṇu among gods, he occupied the first place among the lords of the earth.

28. Severer than the sun and pleasanter than the moon was he. In depth he excelled the ocean, and in firmness, the mountain Sumēru.

29. With discernment alone for his minister, and the bow alone for his army, he counted on his arms as his only ally in the heart of battle. 30. He demonstrated the presence of the (four) guardian deities of the universe even on this earth: Indra by being victorious, Varuṇa by being the overlord of the waters, Kubēra by giving away wealth and Yama by being impartial.

31. His immense fame displayed its existence among his subjects as sandal paste on their chests, as pearl ear-rings in their ears, and camphor powder on their faces.

32. By (the might of) his arm which confounded the army generals of his enemies, fame was won by him, even as nectar (by the gods) by using the Manthara mountain with which was churned the boundless lord of the rivers (viz., ocean).

33. His fame, as a person of delightful qualities, spread so envelopingly that it appeared like a coverlet of white silk on the oval shape of the universe.

34. The sword wielded by his hand, terrible as it looked, feasting on the life-breath of his royal opponents, begot glory, even as a ferocious serpent feeding on air produces its cover of slough.

35. His right hand which to all appearance seemed to be drawing the sword was in fact practising the art of drawing, by her braided hair, the goddess of prosperity of his adversaries.

36. Having, after a long time, come to him who was ever wakeful in protecting this universe, Goddess Lakṣmi never again remembered Viṣṇu who was insensible, wrapped up in yogic sleep. 37. The tree of Dharma which had withered away by the scorching heat of this Kali age sprouted again by the water that flowed (from his hands) while making gifts of charity.

38. His very enemy-kings who bore on their head scars caused by rubbing against his foot-rest stood on all quarters as so many pillars of his triumph.

39. The reputations of his adversaries, as if they were enveloped by rows of flames of the fire of his prowess, looked dark in appearance.

40. Chained in the grounds of his halls, his victorious elephants looked like clouds, imprisoned, because they stood in the way of his triumphal expeditions.

41. The (cloud of) dust raised by the hoofs of his war-horses made the sun apprehensive of an unexpectedly sudden approach of Rahu.

42. By the side of his prosperity, the prosperity of Kubēra or Indra looked insignificant; and far remote became the question of any comparison between the fortunes of personages like Duryōdhana and him.

<error>Slōkās</error><fix>Slōkas</fix> 43 to 66: The City of Vijayanagar.

43. He who augmented his riches by conquest, had the famous Vijayanagara for his capital city. That city won the approbation of knowing men, as Indra's Amarāvati, won that of the gods.

44. As if in rivalry with the heavenly Ganges that flowed round the borders of swargalōka, the river Tungabhadra encircled the city as a formidable moat. 45. The city was also surrounded by ramparts on all sides which were high as the Cakrāçala mountains; and it had the beauty of a water-trench round the creeper Lakṣmi and looked like the navel of goddess Earth.

46. Lofty and gem-set towers like the peaks of the Sumēru emitting rainbow colours adorned the city.

47. The city was also surrounded by pleasuregroves which looked like abodes of Spring and which were full of flowering trees like campaka, asōka, nāga and kēsara.

48. The pleasure-hillocks in the city were frequented by the musk deer that sought the shade of the plantains and karpūra plants in them. These hillocks looked like the veritable hiding places of the God of Love.

49. The city had sporting-lakes, fragrant with the smell of lotuses. Those lakes had gem-set steps and were always inhabited by beautiful swans.

50. The elevated portions of the city had highbuilt palaces which were white like the clouds of autumn. One wondered if they were so many shapes which the fame of the king's conquest of world-cities itself had taken.

51. The city looked like the stage set for flowering female beauty to display its charms; or it may even be pictured as the mark of fashion and loveliness adorning the forehead of the lady known as Earth's Southern Quarter. 52. The city was full of virtuous Brāhmans, and armies of musicians ever strode its expansive grounds. Thus, like the full-moon night, or the world of celestial bards, serenity and music reigned unceasingly all round.

53. Bhujangas, or youths of fashion, made that city their favourite haunt, even as bhujangas, or serpents, make the crown of Śiva their chosen abode. Good-hearted people in large numbers loved to wander its precincts like gods in the regions of the Sumēru.

54. The city was the play-ground of all good fortune. Prosperity in all its aspects delighted to live in its saloons. The city looked like a garland of precious stones on the shores of the sea of virtue.

55 The disc of the sun caught in the heights of the city's palaces produced on the on-lookers the illusion of a golden jar.

56. The damsels playing on the grounds of the top floor of the city's mansions often laid their hands on the rounded body of the moon, mistaking it for their play-ball of pearls.

57. Hearing the sound of the drum accompanying the music played in the city's palaces, the peacock began to dance even in the absence of any appropriate occasion (viz., the appearance of a thunder-cloud).

58. The clouds that hung about the sides of the city's palaces with the colour of padmarāga gems reflected in them, always looked brown like evening clouds.

59. The clouds of smoke that rushed through the crevices in the buildings of the city at the evening-time appeared like darkness effecting its escape afraid of being caught in the effulgence of approaching lamp-light inside.

60. As the lustre of the gems with which the steps were paved in the lakes always drove darkness away, the cakravāka birds were not separated even at nightfall.

61. The moon, as if ashamed by reason of the shining beauty marking the lotus-like faces of the lovely women in the city, ever wore a mourning black on her body known as kalanka.

62. The god of love never thought of resorting to his flower-arrows to effect his conquests in the face of the lovely glances shot from the eyes of beautiful women there to subdue the hearts of youth.

63. As if to take their lessons in graceful walking the swans ever sought the company of women there, attracted by the sweet jingling of their foot-ornaments.

64. The blooming breasts of the maidens of the city were beautifully set off by their slender waists even as thick clouds in the void above.

65. There was no hardness there in the city except in the breasts of eautiful damsels, nor crookedness except in their curly locks, nor thinness except in their waists.

66. Pampā was the branch city of Vijaya. Many a Kubēra (lords of wealth) were there so much so that God Virūpākṣa (Śiva) who was enshrined there never spent a thought about his original home at Alaka.

<error>Slōkās</error><fix>Slōkas</fix> 67 to 75: Bukka as king. Of special interest is the mention of Devāyi, the queen of Bukka.

67. Installed in that city, he, of undiminished prowess, ruled over the earth even as Indra ruled the heavenly regions from his seat in Amarāvati.

68. By contemplating on his prosperity that was at the service of friends, and his politics that was wide and comprehensive, his subjects imagined that Manu himself had in him his second birth.

69. Though impartial to all the three <error>puruṣārtas</error><fix>puruṣārthas</fix>-dharma, artha and kāma-the king, who was the idol of all virtuous people, had a special regard for dharma, even as Viṣṇu, the Lord of all, has for satva, among his three gunas--satva, rajas and tamas.

70. His hand gave freely, his ear heard the Sāstras well, his head was always crowned with the sandals of Lord Śiva. The sense of decorative fineness that he thereby evinced became the means of his achieving his desire to get and keep prosperity.

71. The kings that ruled over the territories of which the mountains of Vindhya, Malaya, Astha and Rōhaṇa were the four boundaries paid homage to him and those that were enemies shook with fear.

72. Always awake at his post of guarding the kingdom that came to him from his ancestors in an unbroken line of succession, the king enjoyed the immense pleasures befitting his royal rank yet with complete detachment.

73. Like Lakṣmi to Nārāyaṇa and Pārvati to Śankara, queen Devāyi was to the king the chosen consort.

74. Though the king had other wives also, she alone became the object of his love and regard, even as Rōhiṇi to the moon among celestial luminaries.

75. The brave king who was pleasing like the fullmoon to the eyes of the people of Karnāṭa dwelt along at the city of Vijaya and enjoyed the delights of his youth with her who was his heart's beloved.

Thus ends the first canto of Virakamparāya çaritam called Madhurāvijayam, composed by Sri Gangā Dēvi. Obeisance to Goddess Minākṣi ! Canto: II

Slōkās 1 to 13: Queen Devāyi conceives. Her longings during pregnancy are described.

1. The queen conceived by the king and bore in her womb, the seed of royal race, as the cosmic waters held in them the tējas virile of Brahma with which the three worlds were created.

2. The queen put aside her jewels. Her face was somewhat pale like the sara reed and her form unusually slender. She shone like a river in autumn with lotuses gone and with the globe of the moon reflected on its watery surface.

3. She who was the beloved consort of the lord of this earth, indulged in tasting particles of it as if to teach the responsibility of earth-sway to the infant in her womb.

4. The very nature of her longings in her pregnancy which always took a daring turn suggested that her would-be son would be wedded to heroic accomplishments.

5. Without caring for the Tungabhadra which flowed nearby and which was easily fordable, she desired to sport in the Tāmraparṇi in company with her army of elephants that would raise waves in its waters (while they submerged with their huge bodies).

6. Though she was physically unable to walk as far as the pleasure-hill where the deer were quietly grazing, she, in her mental flights, was on the tops of the Malaya mountain inhabited by (ferocious) lions.

7. She heard of Viṣṇu's miraculous exploits underneath the earth and wanted to imitate Him .... (slōka imperfect).

8. She laughed at Śiva's valour in reducing Tripura aided by all such paraphernalia as the Earth for the chariot, Brahma for the charioteer, Seṣa for the bowstring, the mountain for the bow and Hari for the

9. As time advanced, the limbs of her body began to put on flesh; her face regained its sweet and lazy eye-looks; her belly began to show its folds distinctly; and this change in his beloved filled the king with delight.

10. The auspicious line of hair that was on her abdomen looked like a black serpent on guard in order to protect the infant within.

11. Her breasts, with black nipples, surpassed in their attractiveness the çakravāka couple with a bit of blue utpala flower in their beaks.

12. The lord of earth regarded her being in an interesting condition, as if she were a rain-cloud full of water within, a pearl oyster with pearl inside and nighttime foreshadowing the rise of the moon.

13. The king who was as prosperous as Indra and who was ever bent on the amelioration of his subjects, celebrated the ceremony of pumsavana as ordered by his preceptor, at the appointed time, on a scale befitting his royal rank.

Slōkās 14 to 42: The birth of Kampaṇa, the hero of the poem. The birth of the other two sons of Bukka, Kampaṇa and Sangama, is also mentioned.

14. Then on an auspicious day, at the hour pronounced most auspicious by astrologers, the queen presented her lord with a boy, as Goddess Pārvati bore to Śiva the child Subrahmaṇya.

15. The quarters then shone with spotless lustre as if they had been newly washed by royal fame which was fit to be likened to the whiteness of milk that filled the milky ocean.

16. Cool breeze scented with the flower-dusts from heavenly trees began to blow gently as if afraid of the new-born infant who was soon to attain the mastery of his earth.

17. The god of fire seemed to dance with joy, describing auspicious circles with his bright ends; and this betokened that fruitful sacrifices would soon be performed all over the southern countries in abundance.

18. The kalpa vṛkṣās by showering down flowers through clouds looked as if courting in advance the friendship of the royal child who was soon to excel them in the glory of giving.

19. The wild elephants, with ichor flowing down their cheeks, trumpeted in joy, as if in contemplation of the destruction that awaited their enemies, the lions, at the hands of the royal baby who would soon grow up to be a daring hunter.

20. The horses also neighed with joy, tearing the ground with their large hoofs, perhaps thinking, that they would soon be mounted upon by the child and a great glory awaited them in that role.

21. Tumultuous rejoicings among the people of the city arose, with trumpets blowing and çāraṇas shouting auspicious words.

22. The monarch of Kuntala wished to give away even himself bodily to those that bore the glad tidings of his son's birth.

23. By his royal word of command the prisons were thrown open and prisoners were unchained and liberated as if to make room for future incumbents, viz.. the turuṣkas.

24. Duly bathed and clad in white silk, the king. after doling out immense riches as gifts to Brāmins, entered the lying-in room with a glad heart to see the face of his son.

25. He saw the child lying on the lap of his slimfeatured queen like a swan youngling on the wavy-bed of the autumnal river.

26 to 30. Rays of light, whitish as camphor dust, played on the child's form which subdued the lustre of the lamps burning in the lying-in-chamber. With his two reddish hands closed, the child looked as if already practising the art of holding within his grasp the goddess of prosperity of his enemies. His two gracefully shaped feet bore auspicious marks indicative of conch, disc, umbrella, lotus, banner, and fish. His tiny fingers, reddish and soft as tender foliage, were also beautiful to look at. He bore the hairy sign of Śrīvatsa on his breast which suggested that he was an avatāra of Viṣṇu, and, that unbroken prosperity would mark his life. His forehead was adorned with a circle of hair between the eye-brows. His eyes were large like the petals of blooming lotus. His nose was lofty; and a sweet smile played on his red lips. Altogether, the child's face was surpassingly beautiful.

31. Tears of joy, for a while, acted as a check on the steadfast look of his eyes that feasted on the cherubic form of the child.

32. The king embraced the child with his eyes; and the excessive emotion in his mind burst out as manifest by horripulation.

33. On an auspicious day, the jāta karman rites of the child were performed as directed by the priest, and the child grew in splendour like the god of fire that witnesses those rites.

34. The king who always looked ahead named his child Kampaṇa, as he clearly foresaw in his mind that, in proper time, the latter would become a matchless warrior, and was sure to make his enemies in the field of battle quake with fear.

35. Just as the sacrificer tends the fire with ghee offerings, and just as the cloud sustains the corn with rains, so too, the king had his child brought up by trustworthy nurses.

36. He was overjoyed to hear the lisping words and to look at the tottering gaits of his child, who had his lessons on talking and walking from his fostermother.

37. Like a swan that ever loves the touch of budding lotuses, the king was never satisfied with kissing the fragrant mouth of his child with no teeth yet perceptible in it.

38. The pleasurable feeling which the king had while embracing his cherub boy, was not to be matched by the contact of camphor, pearl, sandal-paste or moonbeams.

39. The king and the queen felt themselves bathed in an ocean of nectar as they enjoyed looking at their child crawling on his knees on the floor of the palace, with the small bells in his ornaments tinkling.

40. Then, in course of time, the queen bore to the king two other sons called Kampaṇa and Sangama who were like pārijāta and çintāmaṇi that sprang from the milky ocean.

41. The prince (viz, Kampaṇa), along with his two brothers, began to grow, day by day; and people were in ecstasies when they looked at him as at the (waxing) moon.

42. The king, with his three children, shone like Śiva with his three eyes, the moon, the sun and the fire; or like statesmanship, with its three unfailing aspects, Power, Daring and Counsel; or like life with its three ends, Virtue, Wealth and Enjoyment.

Thus ends the second canto of Virakamparāya çaritam, called Madhurāvijayam, composed by Sri Gangā Dēvi. Canto: III

Slōkās 1 to 20: The early training of Kampaṇa. His bodily charm and qualities are also described. His marriage with Gangā Dēvī and other princesses is mentioned.

1. The tonsure ceremony over, the prince became proficient in all the arts and humanities without any external help, and tuition by gurus in his case was more or less a superfluity.

2. He was trained in military science by his own father who had acquired its secret from an excellent master. Thus tutored, he became a pastmaster in wielding the bow and the sword and in the use of all miraculous weapons.

3. He spoke the truth, had immense bodily strength and was an expert in handling the bow. A fine horseman and a master in sword-play, he possessed all the accomplishments for each of which were the Pāndavas separately noted.

4. He now attained his youthhood which could be described as the sporting lake of the elephant called Manmatha, as the bunch of flowers called love, as the moon-light for the çakōra birds called women's eyes.

5. His body shone distinctly in its full contours, now that boyhood had entirely passed away and youthhood had asserted itself, even as the sun shines in his total brilliance after the passing away of the dewy season.

6. His walking was graceful and stately. It looked as if the elephants dwelling in the mountain cave gave it as a present in advance to get themselves caught and kept by him--a favour for which they always longed.

7. In the excessively beautiful palm of his hands there was the auspicious fish-mark. Why should such a mark appear there unless it be that Kāma had surrendered his fish-banner by way of accepting his defeat by the beauty of the prince's feet?

8. The loins of the beautiful prince, hard as stone with their golden band, resembled the base of the anjana hill encircled by a fresh streak of red coloured mineral.

9. His waist, shapely and slender, which greatly enhanced the beauty of his person, suggested the idea of the lions having yielded their monopoly, as a sort of hush-money in his favour, as they were extremely afraid of his strength.

10. His panel-like chest shone just so broad as to be able to hold in its expanse the breasts of beautiful women, breasts which can well compare with the frontal globes on an elephant's head.

11. His beam-like hands with strong reddish fingers at their end hung up to his knees. They were attractive and immensely powerful. Springing as they did from his thickset shoulders, they were always a sight for people to see.

12. If the black spot in the moon could be removed from its place in the centre and drawn as a line at the edge of her orb, then it might be likened to his face, with the beard just making its appearance. 13. The redness that appeared in the corner of his lotus-like eyes suggested anger against the ears that set a limit to the freedom of their (eyes') expansiveness.

14. The world thought of his long and lofty nose as a demarcating line that prevented each one of the eyes from encroaching on the province of the other.

15. The prince had his long tuft of his hair dressed with red blossom which looked like emblems expressing red hearts of beautiful women.

16. His body and prowess grew side by side. Side by side also did his eyes and fame become more and more white-coloured. His neck, along with his qualities, expanded increasingly. And both his mind and voice together gained in depth.

17. The king, seeing that the prince had attained his youthhood, married him to several princesses; and the unions partook the grandeur of the ocean receiving the rivers at the advent of the rainy season.

18. Like Sasi to Cakra (Indra), Ramā (Lakṣmi) to Sarñgin (Viṣṇu), and Satī (Pārvati) to Śambhu (Śiva)....(possibly, the name of the poetess who was his principal consort is introduced).

19. The prince enjoyed conjugal happiness with that beautiful-looking princess. They loved each other so well and their happiness was so perfect that even the gods could not but feel envious.

20. Perfectly disciplined as the prince was, the king one day wishing to make him famous by the conquest of the enemies began to give him pregnant words of advice.

21

Slōkās 21 to 48: The mission of Kampaṇa in the Tamil country is explained by Bukka. Here is another Polonius. Of special significance is the exhortation that Kampaṇa must destroy the Sambuvarāya as a prelude to his conquest of Madhura from the Sultan.

21. "A darkness always infests youthful age, and wise men have found out that only the lamp of intelligence lighted by proper advice is able to dispel it. So it behoves you to lend me your ears and listen to what I am about to say.

22. "Wise men consider instruction imparted by a guru, as a jewelled ear-ring bereft of hardness, a potent ointment without colour, and a wonderful form of penance involving no self-mortification.

23. "Perverse rogues do not mind the promptings of good leaders. They close their eyes in their intoxication. They are unclean because of the dust of sin they raise against themselves. They tie themselves to deep prejudices as if to firm posts. In all this they resemble elephants in rut.

24. "The darkness of intoxication such as of youthhood is akin to that of a starless night. Nothing like moon-light awakening can you expect during its sway. It marks the triumph of sex passion and is a bad period of life not easily overcome by one in embodied state. 25. "When the tree of egotism puts forth its shoots, it dries up the springs of mercy. The dawning of youthhood is really the vanishing of light from the intellect; and how can one have anything like proper perception at such a dark hour?

26. "Youth deprived of discretion, and rulers blinded by prosperity, going their own way, soon became the favourites of danger which overtakes them as a night of eclipse does in the case of full moon.

27. Which wise man would trust women who are the abode of all foibles and who are like nets ensnaring the mind resembling the frolic-blind deer?

28. "All that a gambler has--fruitful earth, valuable ornaments, riches, and even his own body, his strength, his wives and his sons--does not belong to him, but belongs to others.

29. "Which wise man will indulge in hunting wild beasts risking in vain his own life? Those that know characterise it as a bottomless pit into which kings, like rut-elephants, fall in their unguarded state.

30. "When the intoxication of youthhood is on, and when wealth is making one falter at every step, who could think of getting into the habit of drinking? It would be like getting a bad complication in typhoid fever.

31. "However much you may be wedded to doing good, popularity could never be gained if you are in the habit of bursting into harsh words. A cloud may give welcome showers; but, at the same time, no one will cease dreading its lightning and thunder. 32. "Subjects are the wealth of kings. When that is so, who could think of inflicting a reign of terror on them by having recourse to brutal punishments? Nobody would go up a tree and apply the axe to its roots.

33. "An idiot who, in blind ignorance, throws away wealth as gifts to the undeserving--wealth which is indispensable for the upkeep of dharma--really throws oblations that deserve to be used in holy sacrifices, into the fire that is consuming a dead body.

34. Ignorance-ridden monarchs overcome by vices such as these--vices, which, like consumption, eat into the body politic--become in course of time objects of contempt to their enemies.

35. "Those fools that are not able to preserve by their good qualities wealth begotten by them on account of merit in previous birth are to be likened to monkeys in whose hands a garland of flowers has been given. The former, like the latter in their unbalanced state, know only to destroy what they have been given.

36. "But youth like you who have their intelligence duly shaped and purified by instruction received from proper gurus know how to keep away from vices and act always in the proper manner.

37. "It behoves you, therefore, to take courage in both hands, consider the pros and cons of everything deeply, and act in such a way that the goddess of prosperity, notorious for her fickle mind, does not turn aside from you even for a moment. 38. "Rulers of earth, who are men of action, and my hereditary friends, in whose heart no malice dwells, and who, though unostentatious, are famed in quelling rebellious spirits are now camping near you here by my command, my dear son!

39. "You know you are surrounded now by an ocean-like army. Horses in thousands act as its waves, elephants in rut appear in its midst like huge islands, and destructive weapons like sharks abound in its waters.

40. "So, I would ask you to exhibit your manliness and ever increasing prowess and strike at your enemies and subdue them, even as the Lord of the Gods (Indra) did in the case of the (winged) mountains, enraged at their efforts to destroy the world.

41. "So, you had better march successfully to Tundīra (Tondaimandala) and overcome the people headed by the Champa (Sambuvarāya) who are preparing for war. Then establish yourself at Kānci and rule there, with due regard to the wishes of the people, even like the Lord of Wealth (Kubēra) does in the city of Alaka.

42. "Then if you subdue all the Vanya kings, it would be easy for you to break the power of the Turuṣka. Would it be difficult for the fire that had consumed with its flames hundreds of branches of a tree, to destroy the trunk also?

43. "This Turuṣka is acting like Ravana in regard to the Southern Kingdoms. If you play the praiseworthy part of Srī Rāma in reducing him you will be rendering a service to the world and allay affliction."

44. Having delivered this speech, the king stopped, even as the cloud does after pouring down its watery contents. The prince bowed low, and took to heart, like the good son he was, the advice of his father.

45. Then the king took off invaluable ornaments from his own person and adorned the prince with them. And, after fixing, that the latter should start on his victorious expedition on the next day, he retired to his own apartments in an elated mood.

46. The sun, as if anxious to inform the serpent king who bore this earth (Sēṣa) that his burden would soon be lightened, sank in haste into the nether regions.

47. The prince, after finishing his daily worship of the sandhya, and after acquainting his eager attendants with the commands of his father and dismissing them, entered his private apartments to enjoy the company of his beautiful princesses.

Thus ends the third canto of Virakamparāya çaritam, called Madhurāvijayam, composed by Sri Gangā Dēvi. Canto: IV

Slōkās 1 to 16: Preparations for the march on the Sambuvarāya territory.

1 & 2. When the divine sun, the sustainer of lotuses, and the unequalled lamp of universe, rose the next day, the prince woke up from his sleep, and after duly performing the morning rites of worship, ordered his generals to get the army ready for marching.

3. Then, like the noise of the ocean, churned with the mountain of Mandhara, the sound of war-drums beaten by drum-sticks arose at the beginning of the march.

4. The sound grew louder and louder, and filled the skies as if it emanated from Candīsa's damaru (drum) beaten at the time of the Great Deluge.

5. It raised echoes from the caverns in the mountains as if to scare the fear-ridden enemies who might otherwise take shelter in them.

6. As the uproar entered the bowels of earth, Sēṣa closed his eyes (which were also his ears), and he became both blind and deaf by a single act.

7. The army at once got ready with each of its units, viz., elephants, horses and foot soldiers, suitably covered and dressed; elephants with carpets on their backs, horses fully caparisoned and men protected in their mailed coats.

8. There mustered hundreds of formidable warelephants with ichor streaming forth from their extensive temples. 9. Horses with foaming mouths, and swift as wind, were seen bounding like waves in the army-ocean.

10. There gathered in no time, hosts of footmen from different countries, armed with swords, daggers, lances and bows.

11. Wearing suitable ornaments, kings renowned for the might of their arm, waited near the outer gate awaiting the arrival of their overlord (Kampaṇa).

12. The space of the sky was completely filled with uplifted umbrellas, resembling white lotuses in the river of the army, and also looking like the play mirrors of the Goddess of Victory.

13. Should the stirring period of the march be compared to the advent of the autumnal season, the flywhisks waving by the side of kings appeared like swans hovering about.

14. The rays of the sun never left their natural redness, as the colour of the sparking gems set in royal crowns, beautiful as a cluster of flowers, was ceaselessly mingling with them.

15. As the passage of the sky was completely blocked by the flags flying aloft, Aruṇa experienced much difficulty in conducting the chariot of the sun across.

16. Fed by the neighing of the horses, intensified by the loud trumpeting of the elephants and extended by the sound of the instruments of war-music (wardrums) the din that arose was something inconceivable. Slōkās 17 to 35: Prince Kampaṇa starts on the campaign. He is accompanied by the Cōḷa, Kēraḷa and Pāṇḍya kings.

17. The king who had himself knowledge of the appropriate hour, however, awaited with his retinue, the formal fixing of the auspicious moment by his loyal priests.

18. His throbbing right hand foretold the auspicious event of the forthcoming embrace by the Goddess of Valour, before everybody else.

19. Brāhmins chanting the Atharva Vēda, augmented the chances of his victory with their (hearty) blessings, just as the sacrificial fire is made to glow by oblations sanctified by hymns.

20. The king now came out of his palace and had a good look at his tall agile horse saddled in readiness near the outer gate.

21. Like an ally of Garuḍa, like the next of kin of the mind, and like a friend of Vāyu, the agile animal looked like Speed itself in its aggregate.

22. As if the horse felt that the space of the earth was inadequate for the demonstration of his great speed which was faster than even that of the mind, he seemed extending it by constantly beating with his hoofs.

23. Excelling the horse of Indra in speed, he appeared to be attacking his own image reflected in the crystal walls (which he was facing).

24. With neigh attended with white foam, he seemed to mock at Hanūmān who took great pride in having merely crossed the saltish ocean. 25. With the bit in his mouth looking like a serpent, and with the wing-like cover (on his back) sparkling with the colour of tender foliage, he seemed to imitate Garuḍa even in his bodily form.

26. The wind, blowing from the end of his waving tail which attended on him, was like a disciple taking secret. lessons in speed.

27. By raising his head up, and letting it down again, frequently, to keep his swiftness in bounds, he appeared to be offering salutations to the Goddess of Victory standing in front of him.

28. With the heaps of dust raised by his hoofs, the regions of the sky were rendered like floor; and this served to give the lie direct to the claims of the sun's horses that they trod on airy tract.

29. The king mounted the horse, the personification of strength, and (in his elation) felt as if the entire kingdom of the earth had already passed into his hands. 30. With numberless troops pouring in from all directions, the king, with his view unconcealed, crossed the outer gate.

31. With crowns on their bent heads, with their hands folded (in reverence), the monarchs of earth saluted him, as he emerged, seated on the back of his horse.

32. With shouts of joy on seeing him, the Cōḷa, Kēraḷa and Pāndya monarchs assumed the role staffbearers, and chose to walk in front of him. 33. Like a row of clouds raining drops of water on a mountain, the respectable matrons of the town, showered the customary parched grain on him.

34. As he marched in state, king Kampaṇa caused a quiver in the hearts of his rivals, and turned to the direction of the quarter which had the Malāya mountains for its boundary.

Slōkās 35 to 46: The orderly march of the Karnāta forces.

35. Leading such a huge army, the great hero looked like the eastern wind dragging behind it a string of heavy clouds.

36. The load of the earth having become lightened by heaps of dust rising up, Ādisēṣa managed to bear the weight of the royal army.

37. The dust that rose up acted simultaneously as an eclipse of both the sun of prowess and the moon of fame of the enemy (and thus effected a double eclipse at the same time).

38. The aggregate of dust caused the illusion of a huge dung heap capable of manuring the creepers of (Kampaṇa's) fame that had begun to sprout out in all the quarters.

39. Under the pretext of being hidden away by the dust, the sun (in fact) fled to some unknown quarter, afraid that he might be pierced through by warriors transformed into gods in the approaching conflict. (Warriors who go to vīra-swarga after a heroic end may pierce the sun in their journey to that destination). 40. As if apprehending early extinction, grains of dust entered the pores of glands of lordly elephants through which ichor was coming out.

41. The collection of dust plunged into the great oceans having been subjected, as it were, to unbearable heat when trying to absorb the rays of the sun.

42. Water particles sprayed from the trunks of female elephants gave the shape of a fine hail to the cloud of dust raised by the marching army.

43. Particles of dust fanned out by big warelephants flapping their ears were kept back by the rain of spray from the trunks of elephants.

44. The army which looked like the grand confluence of all the seven oceans at the time of Mahā praḷaya (the Great Deluge) began its orderly march with a great uproar.

45. Caught up in the temples of great elephants overflowing with ichor, dust no longer rosc, though the ground was continuously being broken by the toe-like hoofs of horses.

46. The cool breeze, cool by reason of its contact with fine drops of water from the waves of the Tungabhadra, proved quite welcome for the onward march of the army.

Slōkās 47 to 50: Prince Kampaṇa at first struck camp at Mulbāgal and then arrived in Virinchipuram for the fight.

47. King Kampaņa reached Muluvāyipaṭṭaṇam after crossing the Karnāta country within five or six days (i.e. after a march of five or six days). 48. In that city he was biding his time; and when the appropriate hour arrived he started to launch his attack against the Sambuvarāya ruler.

49. The dust raised by his army made both the Pālār and the fame of the Sambuvarāya monarch look dirty.

50. King Kampaṇa struck camp with his army near Virinchinagara (Virinchipuram) where the branches of the trees were being shaken by the wind proceeding from the (waves) ripples of the Pālār.

Slōkās 51 to 66: The siege of Padaivīdu the stronghold of the Sambuvarāyās. The defeat of the Tamil forces.

51. Having come in all readiness, king Kampaṇa started to lay siege to the town of the Lord of the Tamils, like the dewy season blocking up the course of the sun with intermittent snow.

52. The arrayed forces of both the Karnāta and the Tamil kings attacked each other, like two oceans brought against each other by stormy winds at the time of the Great Deluge.

53. The fight began to rage, foot-soldiers falling on foot-soldiers elephant-herds attacking elephantherds, troops of horses colliding with troops of horses.

54. Unable to bear the lion-like roars emanating from warriors on both sides, the elephants of the quarters, with their trumpeting completely silenced, almost lost their consciousness.

55. Sparks generated in large numbers by the clash of the weapons of the warriors on either side bore a close likeness to a collection of glow-worms in the darkness of the dust.

56. Even like the fancied side-glances of the amourous Goddess of fight, the sharp-pointed arrows let fly against one another by bow-men fell to the ground.

57. The blood-stained sword-blades waving in the hands of heroic warriors appeared like the lolling tongue of Yama eager to make a meal of them.

58. In the countless rivers of blood which began to flow on all sides, the faces of soldiers cut off by the bhalla arrow looked like lotuses.

59. The arms of kings severed by swords resembled the trunks of elephants but were mistaken for snakes by the eagles that snatched them away.

60. The blood flowing from human trunks was very much liked by the Rākṣasīs who deftly seated themselves on the trunks of elephants as if on tops of places.

61. Brave fighters sent to (everlasting) sleep by enemy arrows on the protrusion of their elephants, soon woke up on the pot-like breasts of divine damsels.

62. Then the army of the Tamil king routed by the mighty forces of Kampaṇa took to flight.

63. Some men fleeing in great disorder let fall their weapons in great terror and swore they would never fight again. 64. Others, feigning death, dropped down; but fearing the presence of jackals, they at once rose up and started running pell-mell, affording no small mirth to the Karnāta forces.

65. Yet others, mistaking a mirage for water (river) made futile attempts to cross it with a boat improvised out of the shields which they had forgotten to abandon (in their flight).

66. There were still others who in their flight mistook their own shadows for the pursuing enemy in the extremity of their fright and began to prostrate before them, biting their fingers.

Slōkās 67 to 83: The batlte on Rājagambīrānmalai. The defeat and destruction of the Sambuvarāya by Kampaṇa.

67. King Kampaṇa, then converted the Tamil king's town into an encampment for his own forces, and from there began to lay seige to the hill fortress named Rājagambhīra (Rājagambīrammalai) in which the enemy had sought asylum.

68. The sound of his war-drums raised echoes from every cave of the hill and it looked as if the hill itself had begun to yell out in fright.

69. With flags flying in the direction of high winds, the hill (fort) gave the impression that it was greeting king (Kampaṇa) and welcoming him with its arms (the flags) to come to its top.

70. Again, fierce fighting commenced between the two sides, and the weapons falling down and shooting up, lit up both earth and sky by their resplendance. 71. Heads severed by arrows resembled palmyrafruits as they fell down from the ramparts and caused an illusion of balls belonging to the Deity of War (for playing with).

72. Like messengers (tax-collectors) sent by the stronghold itself claiming the tolls for the entry (of the Karnāta troops) the stones let down from catapults fell just in front of the king.

73. The hill, with the houses lit up by the fire from the missiles of bow-men, looked like holding lamps in readiness for the happy ceremony of hārati to mark the auspicious victory of the king.

74. The ascent of the hill was accomplished by heroic men by means of rows of lances planted as ladders and climbing up to the tops of sāla trees.

75 & 76. With all means (and chances) of (escape) coming out completely blocked, the stronghold was subjected to such great distress that the embryos of women, big with children, slipped out at the very sight of the fierce troops jumping in, and people immersed in the river of blood of the slain prayed for their lives.

77. The Sambuvarāya monarch, with drawn sword, came out of his palace in great anger, even as a snake with its lolling tongue might come out of a molehill.

78. Though many a soldier of valour eagerly came forward to fight saying, "let me do it", king Kampaṇa preferred to face the Sambuvarāya himself. 79. With the forepart of their bodies bent and eyes fixed, the two kings, sword in hand, stood still for a moment like a picture on a piece of painting.

80. The gods were thankful for the total absence of winking in their eyes, as they were looking on with fixed gaze, the flight (of the two heroes), their bodies divided at the waist.

81. Kampaṇa's sword, reflecting as it did, the image of the Sambuvarāya monarch, looked like a pregnant daughter about to give birth to a husband for the celestial nymphs.

82. Then escaping deftly a sword thrust, king Kampana despatched the Sambuvarāya (monarch) as a guest to Indra's city.

83. Having thus reduced (killed) the Sambuvaraya in the field of battle, king Kampaṇa received the decree of his father that he should rule (the territory thus conquered). With the fame of his victory duly established in Kānci, he inaugurated a just and prosperous rule over Tundīramandalam destroying all confusion in castes and religious orders.

Thus ends the fourth canto of Vīrakamparāya çaritam, called Madhurāvijayam, composed by Sri Gangā Dēvi. Canto: V

Slōkās 1 to 11: Kampaṇa installed himself Governor of his father at Marakatanagara (Kānci) and established good government.

1. Then in the great city called Marataka which like an ornament of this earth, king Kampaṇa established himself and ruled the earth peacefully and well.

2. His subjects thought that he was another incarnation of Viṣnu that had come down to this earth, because he was so victorious, and such a favourite of gods and virtuous men.

3. His prowess was recognised everywhere; his actions were always fruitful. He increased the scope of negotiation among other strategems in achieving his purpose. Highly intelligent and politic, he was. There was something original in his statecraft, which showed he was a real master.

4. Even as the sun with his bright rays unveils every object on earth, the king, by his skilful employment of spies, knew everything that was being done by friends and foes alike.

5. The system of light taxation which he practised pleased his subjects in his kingdom, and earth herself showed a great satisfaction by her excellent yield of corn and other produce.

6. Earth, by finding rest on his strong, attractive, ornamented and liberal hands, lightened the burden of Sēṣa who was her prime support. 7. The threshold of his palace was ever thronged with elephants, and also kings waiting for audience. The former made it muddy with their flowing ichor, while the latter made it dry with gem-dusts falling down from ornaments broken as a result of jostling.

8. Every day kings that had cast off their old enmity rubbed their forehead against his royal footstool. And their resultant change of fortune suggested the idea that new letters of prosperity were written on their foreheads (in lieu of those that were already there from their birth).

9. The royal threshold was always beseiged by crowds of kings, such as of Magadha, Māḷava, Sevuna, Simhala, Dramila, Kērala and Gauḍa, waiting for an opportunity to pay their homage.

10. On both sides beautiful damsels waved the chowri, and in the jingling of their golden bracelet, the voice of court bards singing panegyrics was almost drowned.

11. Kampaṇa loved very much to listen to compositions of good poets in his court, compositions which were sweet like the sounding of Saraswati's anklets as she practised graceful walking.

Slōkās 12 to 76: The 'song' of the seasons. The amors of the Prince.

12. The ladies of the court played on the Vīṇa with their slim fingers, singing songs that told his worldknown acts of glory. Sweet notes of gamaka that wafted from the music made it most attractive. 13. Very often the ladies of his harem entertained the king with dancing, perfect in every respect, beating time, making gestures and movements.

14. In his hunting expeditions, the king cleared the forest by killing hyenas, wounding buffaloes, scattering deer, and slaughtering wild boars. He also subdued rhinoceroses and caught elephants.

15. Then summer set in. It made women have recourse to scented snows, fans and sandal. They also loved moonlit nights.

16. Days enjoyed bright and long sun-shine, and nights were short; young women loved to enjoy watersports. Gentle winds, fragrant with the smell of fullbloomed patala flowers, blew.

17. By the decree of eternal law, the sun had to leave the southern region, in order to obtain, as it were, the cooling influence of the ice-clad Himālayas.

18. To the delight of the çakravāka birds, the days became longer and longer. In the unbearable heat of summer, it seemed that even the horses of the sun tottered and had to move with less speed.

19. The elephant Cupid, getting scorched in the sun, found shelter in the breasts of beautiful ladies, which were wet with pastes of sandal and had the cooling contact of pearl strings.

20. Day by day, waters in the pleasure-lakes in the palace-grounds of the king were found receding further and further from the shores. This made one fancy that they were getting more and more afraid of receiving knocks from the breasts of Kuntala damsels who delighted in sporting in them.

21. The king was delighted with the unadorned faces of his beautiful ladies with the śirīṣa wreaths placed on the ear, and pearl-like drops of sweat appearing on them (the faces).

22. The king could not contain his emotion when his eyes became transfixed to the braids of hair on the heads of his charming women, which wafted sweet fragrance emanating from the evening-blossoming kutaja flowers with which they were decked.

23. The king got over the heat of the day by retiring with the choicest ladies to his summer-house where water-particles sparkling like stars were being sprayed incessantly.

24. After summer, came winter which the cataka birds welcomed with delight, and which, by the flowering of nicula reeds, produced the illusion of chowries.

25. Thick clouds began to appear here and there. They looked like the sporting pavilions of women called lightnings; and the thunder that was heard resembled the sounds of mridanga drums.

26. The bee-black clouds looked like dark coloured petticoats; flashes of lightning that appeared now and then glittered like borders of gold-lace, and rain drops like pearl-countings.

27. The rain-bow with its colours, green, red and white, shone like the girdle, set with emerald, coral and pearl of the Beauty Goddess of sky. 28. Red insects looking like blood drops, began to swarm the earth. They looked like the sparks of the lightning fire that had dropped down on earth when clouds clashed with clouds in a violent manner.

29. Frozen rain drops fell from clouds that whirled round with the blowing of the eastern wind. Looking at them, one wondered if they were not pearls which were taken along with the sea-water during the latter's formation.

30. In mountainous plateaus peacocks danced singing sweet notes of shadja at the appearance of clouds that were their favourites.

31. Travellers with desperate courage heard the thundering of clouds in the sky which sounded like celestial kettle-drums which Cupid beat with sticks of lightning.

32. For some days the forest presented this appearance: Plantains put forth new shoots. Arjuna trees blossomed and also the kadamba and kētaka. Cātaka birds were in great glee, and also the peacocks.

33. Through winds, as if with hands, clouds sprinkled kētaka dusts resembling holy ashes. The murmuring of thunder was like the uttering of hum. And all this was effective in exorcising the evil-spirit of love-anger which sometimes possessed the ladies of the harem.

34. The mind of the king was very much attracted by pleasure-hillocks. Eyes in the tails of dancing peacocks rendered them very picturesque, and camphor deposits in them exuded the most agreeable odour. The numberless kadamba trees there were in full blossom.

35. The king was also attracted by his beautiful ladies whose curling locks were decorated with the evening-blossoming mālati flowers. Their clothes were scented with agaru fumes, and they were sweetsmelling like musk.

36. The king's love passion was very much excited by gem-set pavilions, by fragrant breezes wafting the smell of kutaja and kētaka flowers and by the musical notes of intoxicated peacocks.

37. The advent of the cloudy season enacted the role of a 'romance' confidant to the king in the night time, as it made even the newly married shy girls embrace him at every sound of thunder-murmurings.

38. Then came the autumn, the jester that made lotus-clusters laugh, the thief that stole Indra's bow (rain bow), and the treasury officer that set his seal on the mouths of peacocks.

39. The season resembled a lion in dispersing the elephant-like clouds. His face was the sun. The kaśas were his manes and the blossoming China roses, his red eyes.

40. It was no empty saying that the sun and the moon are the eyes of Viṣṇu. Now that He has woken up from sleep, these two also opened in their proper splendour.

41. By reason of the rise of the brilliant Agastyastar, the waters were cleared of their muddy condition, and shone as clear as the minds of men that had received proper instruction from a merciful guru.

42. White clouds lined the sky, and lightning disappeared. In that state the sky resembled the watery expanse of the sea with clusters of foam here and there and coral reefs gone.

43. The clouds in winter seemed to have acted like a whet-stone and a wash in the case of the sun and the moon, respectively. for they both shone now with increased brightness and splendour.

44. The rivers were rid of impurities and looked slimmer. And by uniting them with the swans, their lovers, the season really enacted the role of a dear female friend effecting reconciliation between angry lovers.

45. Everywhere there were heard sweet sounds from swans resembling the music of Lakṣmī's feet wandering on lotus-beds or the auspicious sounding of Cupid's tūrya (musical instrument).

46. Autumn, like a beautiful lady with lotus eyes, desired as it were to see her face every now and then in the mirror of the sun whom she, therefore, frequently drew out from his wrapper of white clouds.

47. The king enjoyed the autumnal nights fully; for in their contents they resembled his ladies in every respect; blue water-lilies had the beauty of their eyes, the moon of their face, white water-lilies of their smile and stars of the pupil of their eyes. 48. The young women guarding rice fields sang the spotless fame of the king, decked as their persons were with garlands of pearls that had come out of the bursting of ripe red sugarcane.

49. Elephants in rut, again and again, pulled the chains with which they were fastened, as forest winds laden with the smell of blossoming saptaparṇa trees blew over their bodies.

50. Everywhere forest grounds were adorned with blossoming Cīna roses. And as the latter stirred in the wind, it seemed as if, by orders of the king, they were waving auspicious flame to his victorious horses before any others did.

51. Then making the nights long, as if to please the amorous king who loved to enjoy night sports very much, there came the dewy season.

52. Lotus clusters were hit by snow and the moon became pale in colour. Only the faces of the king's beloved consorts gained unmatched charm.

53. The royal ladies, as they shivered in cold, seemed to be in an uninterrupted state of love passion. the hairs in their breasts always standing on end, and their mouths always uttering murmuring sounds.

54. The king's beloveds made him fancy that they were decking their hair with pearls, in season and out of season, as the cluster of their curls were always dressed with the white blossoms of jasmine.

55. The king loved to remain in his inner apartments, sweetly scented with agaru fumes, in company of his beautiful consorts whose breasts were warm and painted with saffron paste.

56. The king who incarnated Cupid in point of personal charm, thus enjoying the comforts of the cold season desired to sport with his ladies in the nights in spite of the chilly weather.

57. He very much liked to lie down on beds strewn with fresh foliage of clove plants, beds that were also dotted with particles of agaru fallen from the forehead of his ladies in their amorous practices.

58. His ladies presented a particularly attractive appearance to the king, with their faces white with the dust of lōdra flowers and with their foreheads anointed with musk paste.

59. Young girls who got horripilation by reason of their proximity to their royal lover ascribed it to cold. But they felt ashamed, as beads of sweat, suggestive of their unmistakable love passion, began to collect on their persons.

60. Young ladies feigning anger, but glad at heart, looked at the king, as he practised acts of love passion, such as biting the lips, drawing by the hair, and kissing all over.

61. The breasts of his ladies warm with blossoming youthfulness drove away the cold of the season when the king cast longing looks on them; they were very attractive also in their semi-covered state with marks of nail scratches. and without the strings of pearls on them. 62. Then spring came, with trees full of flowers as if for an offering, with sprouting foliage like hands folded in veneration. With the cooings of cuckoos, as if uttering humble words of obeisance, the season seemed to have come to pay homage to the king.

63. The gentle southern breezes that blew scattering fragrant mango leaf-dust seemed like sorcerers sprinkling ashes to turn the mind of anger-ridden damsels that spurned their lovers.

64. Kimśuka trees with buds of dazzling red shone like lions with blood-stained nails--lions that had torn the deer of lovely travellers.

65. Rows of campaka clusters with collyriumlike bees settling on them looked like lamps lighted by the spring in commemoration of Cupid's festival.

66. The sweet odour of wine in the mouths of beautiful-eyed ladies travelled to the vakuḷa flowers from which the southern breeze took it. Thus it had its spreading in an appropriate manner.

67. Asōkas, with bees humming around in thick rows, indicated a sort of appropriateness to the manure which the tree had by the touch of the tender feet of Kuntala ladies resounding with ornaments.

68. The kuravakas that looked like hairs standing on end in the act of mutual embrace of lovers, raised love passion even in the hearts of insentient beings.

69. The sweet pançama notes of cuckoos delighted the world immensely. Lonely travellers that heard it felt as if they heard sounds of Cupid's bow shooting arrows at them. 70. Wild creepers that were the beloved of the black bee attracted the latter very much as clusters of buds looking like breasts sprouted in them, in the flowering season of spring.

71. In the spring festival ladies wanted to paint forms of Cupid on picture-boards. But they ended by painting the form of king Kampaṇa who was always in their heart.

72. Certain ladies smeared the Cupid-like person of the king with sandal paste, and their hands evidenced love passion by sweat drops and horripilation that marked them in the act.

73. The tinkling of bracelets, the tossing of girdles, the dropping of garlands and the flying of curis that marked the practice in swinging play, looked like a rehearsal on the part of lovely ladies of love sports with their lover.

74. Some queens felt ashamed before their female companions; and in singing songs in praise of Kāma they often introduced the name of the king in their forgetfulness.

75. They desired to splash on the king paste of saffron, but they were not aware that the substance had already leaked out of their sweat-bathed hands.

76. King Kampaṇa thus rendered the third end of life (Kāma) fruitful by sporting to his heart's content with the ladies of his harem whose passion was not dimmed even in unbroken union.

Thus ends the fifth canto of Vīrakamparāya çaritam, called Madhurāvijayam, composed by Gangā Devi. Canto: VI

Slōkās 1 to 69: The water-sports of the Prince.

1. Like Indra always attended by celestial nymphs, the king with his ladies moved to his pleasure garden which resembled Nandana, to gather flowers.

2. The ladies followed the king as he began to move to the garden, with their jewelled girdles sounding. The sight of it was like a line of humming bees moving in the wake of the southern gale.

3. The path which the ladies took was lined with red lac-dye dripping from their feet, and it seemed as if a cover of tender leaves was being laid on the ground.

4. The glances of ladies, radiating blue, white and red hues, seemed to line the sky with blue lilies, white lilies and red lotuses.

5. The sounds of jewelled anklets of ladies, as they fell on the king's ears, produced the impression in his mind, that it might be the noise of the stringing of Cupid's bow.

6. Mutual conversations held by the ladies, as they followed the king, were heard in varying notes of sweetness.

7. "Oh ye beautiful friend, go slowly after the rest lest you injure your feet by treading on the pearls dropped down on the way from their broken garlands."

8. "Don't you wake up, oh ye lotus-faced, the sleeping swans, with the sound of your jewelled anklets. If you do, they would crowd round your feet mistaking the same for lotuses and thus cause obstruction to your speedy going."

9. "Look you here, friend, this thirsty deer which eagerly approaches you mistaking the brilliance radiating from your finger-nails for water, will surely move away in shame, once the mistake is found out."

10. "You, moon-faced dear, move not a step lest you knock against the moon-stone wall. But the reflection of your lotus-like face has already entered it."

11. "Oh, my foolish friend, why do you walk so slow? You don't seem to realise that your roguish lover will exploit this to court the company of other women. For, this pleasure-forest, darkish with such thick dust of fresh flowers, is eminently fitted for secret meeting even in day time.

12. "Oh friend, I know you walk very fast so that you may overtake your lover in order to look back and see his face. But you don't seem to realise that women in their minds have the lover's face always in front of them!

13. "I know you could not walk fast because of your burdensome breasts. But, friend, walk fast you must." (Slōkā incomplete).*

57. The king splashed water on a lotus in the pleasure lake. And this made a lady cast on him angry looks of jealousy, the fringes of her eye-lashes wet with tears.

58. As the king touched nicely the upper part of a lady's thigh underneath the water, she feigned fish

*Slōkās 14 to 56 missing. bite and embraced her lover even when her companions were looking on.

59. Another lady, afraid of being struck with splashes of water, abruptly turned, her braid of hair falling in front. The king cast longing glances on it, as if it were Cupid's slab with his sword placed on it.

60. The sheet of water first touched the feet, then the thighs, then the cloth, then the waist and then the breasts of beautiful ladies as they slowly descended it.

61. A lady blinded the king by splashing water, as if in sport, against his eyes when the other ladies turned to look at the nail marks on the person of her rival.

62. Sporting in the waters made the ladies look as if they had just had their sexual satisfaction. Their lips were colour-free, their eyes devoid of collyrium and their foreheads without their decorating mark. And such a sight pleased the king immensely.

63. From the breasts of Kuntala ladies sandal paste was washed away; and the cover of lotus-dust which took its place effectively concealed all nail marks on them.

64. The current of water floated away the wreaths that had dropped from the śrutis (ears) of ladies. Which man, however ignorant, (also cold) make friendship of one who had fallen from the path of śruti (Vedic injunction)?

65. Though their royal lover asked them to stop, his ladies had no mind to do so, as they were very much attracted by the love of sport; and so they did not leave the pleasure lake though its water had completely washed away their decorative marks.

66. Then, at last, tired of sport, they came out; the king started (home) with them; he then resembled the Kalpaka Vṛkṣa moving from the milky ocean in company of water nymphs fatigued with the tossings in churning.

67. The king was delighted to look at his beloved ones as they emerged out of the lake, with nail marks on their persons distinctly visible, with their thighs revealed through the waving cover of wet clothing, and water particles dripping from their long braids of hair.

68. King Kampaṇa thought himself more fortunate than even Cupid, as he feasted his eyes on the person of his ladies between tying their hair and wearing fresh dress.

69. Then, dressing maids put his royal garments on him, and he left his harem; and after offering due worship to Śiva, whose glory is sung by Vedas, attended to duties of state for the rest of the day.

Thus ends the sixth canto of Virakamparāya çaritam, called Madhurāvijayam, composed by Gangā Dēvi. Canto: VII

Slōkās 1 to 50: Day and Night described. Gangā Dēvī's description of Night to her husband.

1. Then the sun, as if afraid of the offence he had given to the queens by making lotuses imitate the beauty of their faces, sunk into the caverns of the western mountains.

2. From there he submerged into the waters of the Western Ocean as if to replenish his heat from the submarine fire there--heat which had been spent in the day in making lotuses blossom.

3. The ladies of Varuṇa's harem fancied the globe of the sun to be the golden ear-ring which the Goddess of Day had dropped down in her haste to depart.

4. The cheeks of Varuṇa's ladies reddened with the rays of the setting sun; and this change of colour came to them (cheeks) even when no intoxicating wine had been drunk.

5. The sun, getting drunk with the honey in the lotuses, abandoned ambara (meaning 'sky' and 'apparel') and in that state touched the western region revered as Varuṇa's queen. Who is there that is immune to the injurious influence of drinking?

6. The sun at one stage seemed to be afflicted with the heat of separation from the eastern quarter; but now he was seen enjoying himself in company with the opposite quarter, his heat gone, on reaching her. The minds of lovers are certainly inscrutable! 7. The lotus ponds with closed flowers of lotuses looked as if offering their prayer with folded hands for the return of the sun who had left them for another hemisphere.

8. The ocean, with the folds of evening clouds reflected in the waves raised by the wind, looked as if putting up steps of gems for the sun to descend from the sky.

9. The globe of the setting sun, as it touched its own reflection in the waves of the western ocean, raised in one's mind the idea of the Golden cymbals, for the evening dancer, Śiva.

10. Cakravāka couples with their pitiful looks at the setting sun, and with bits of lotus-stalk dropping down from their beaks, looked very miserable on the eve of their mutual separation at nightfall.

11. A few streaks of light still lined the sky even after the sun had sunk in the ocean waters. These looked like the remnant branches of the tree of Day which the elephant Time had uprooted.

12. The ocean, with the beams of the setting sun, reminded one of the time-honoured anecdote of its having been stained with the blood of Madhu and Kaiṭabha.

13. The globe of the sun, with its lustre gone, rolled, scattered by the ocean waves. Sea-fishes licked it often and often, mistaking it for the broken remains of a fruit. 14. Small remnants of light caused hundreds of dark shadows of trees to be cast on the ground. And these looked like the forces of darkness overpowering the army of the sun fleeing in fear.

15. The sun, setting out on a journey at the end of the day, entrusted his paritāpa (heat, also distress) to be kept by the hearts of women separated from their lovers, and his brilliance to be safeguarded by herbs (that used to glow at night time.).

16. Taking a warning as it were, from the fall on one khaga (the sun, also a bird) because of his overstepping Visṇupāda (the feet of Viṣnu, also sky), the other khagas (birds) quietly hid themselves in their nests in trees.

17. Within closed petal-doors of lotuses which are considered as Lakṣmi's dwelling houses, the black bees going round and round, humming, enacted the role of night-watchmen.

18. The Goddess of Day, sealed, as it were, the closed lotuses with the lac of black-bees sitting close on their surface, with a view to guard the fragrance treasure of honey within.

19. The evening twilight was fancied by people as the screen of the stage where the dancer Time, was about to act the part of Night having taken off his disguise as Day.

20. The same twilight raised the momentary vision of a red doublet worn by the region of Varuṇa; one also fancied that it should have got its characteristic colour by coming into contact with the dust raised by the hoofs of the sun's horses as they trod on the red layers of the western mountains.

21. Red clouds travelled in the evening sky, and their colour was imitative of the hue of the red dye adorning the face of the Damsel, Night, who was about to set foot on the horizon.

22. The reddish hues of twilight, as of tender leaves, began to show themselves in the western horizon like coral reefs revealed by the western ocean in the agitation caused by the rapid fall of the sun into its depth.

23 to 25. Then darkness began to set in, now obscuring trees, now the sky, now the regions; and it gave rise to various fancies such as: that they were tender leaves of tamāla with which the regions decorated their ears; or that they were musk-paste drawings on the face of the lady called Night; or that they were smokes rising from the quenching of the sun's heated surface; or that they were black bees disguised as darkness filling the regions after leaving the closing lotuses, or the black waters of the Jumna rising up, tall as trees, when disturbed by Srī Kṛṣṇa.

26. People's eyes suddenly lost their power (of seeing). It seemed as if the burning lamp of the sun was put out, and from the lamp-pot of sky, lamp-black was being scattered all round.

27. The stars began to show themselves in the dark sky, and people fancied that God Śiva was letting go his elephant-skin clothing dotted with drops of blood (after his dance was over). 28. The stars looked as if they were beads of perspiration appearing on the blue sky as a result of its suffering from the burning heat of the sun during the day.

29. Time was certainly the ploughman; the stars were well-washed seeds of grain; the dark skies were fields rendered muddy, wherein those seeds were sown by him in order to raise the crop of moon-light. Such was the fancy in the mind of all.

30. Fancy the horizon as a tree. Twilight was the tender shoot to appear first. Darkness was the fullgrown leaf. The regions were its branches wherein one saw the numberless buds of little stars.

31. Girls went to meet their lovers at rendezvous. But friends forbade them by their very sighs; that were made aware by the fragrance of breath in the darkness.

32. Lamps lit in houses, which were the children of mother night were tended with great care which took the form of oil-fed wicks. ('Snēha' means oil also, and dasa' wick).

33. Lady Darkness decking her plait of hair with flowers of stars waited for a short time for her lover, the moon, smiling, as it were, with the blossoms of the white lily.

34. Then a few rays of the moon, like glittering ocean-waves, were to be noticed in the eastern horizon.

35. The eastern quarter, hiding the moon about to rise, with her pale appearance, looked like a woman big with child of whom she was about to be delivered. 36. A portion of the reddish orb of the moon appeared on the eastern region like the mark on the forehead of a beautiful maiden whom that region (of Indra) might be imagined to incarnate.

37. The reddish globe of the rising moon looked like the victorious umbrella of Cupid made red sandhyaka flowers.

38. Just as a new king who after the departure of the powerful personality of an old monarch ministers consolation to the world by his gentle levies, so also, the moon, after the splenderous sun had disappeared, pleased the world with his cool pleasant rays.

39. Then the dutiful king Kampaṇa duly performed the worship of sandhya, and afterwards, addressed his queen who was near and whom the world was delighted to call Gangā, thus:

40. "Oh, my lotus-eyed dear, let this hour be honoured by your sweet description. This servant of yours eagerly waits to drink the nectar of your expression with his ears."

41. Thus spoken to by her Lord, the queen slightly lowered her lotus-like face in bashfulness, and slowly began to give utterance to her charming words.

42. "Oh, my dearest, see how pleasant is this hour and how propitious to Cupid, with fragrant breeze gently blowing and with the charming moon just rising.

43. "The lord of night hugs the eastern region to his bosom in an ardent embrace, and with his nail-like rays unties her braid of hair which incarnates darkness. 44. Having got up the eastern mountain, the moon looks as if sucking darkness from the cup of sky, his rays acting as lotus stalks to suck through.*

45. The moon who is the lord of miraculous herbs, practises alchemy, as it were, by transforming the 'iron' called darkness into the 'silver' called moonlight, by subjecting the former to a fire-process called udayarāga (redness of dawn).

46. The damsel called the Eastern Region draws out her white silk of moonlight presented to her by Night from the conch-white box of moon-globe and dresses herself with it, and looks splendid.

47. The moon embraces with his hands of rays the damsel of Eastern Region, and at the same time, also touches another called Kumudvati (bed of night lotuses). This shows, that lustful men ought not to be trusted.

48. Though the moon touches incessantly with his rays, as with hands, the lotus clusters, the latter do not look up to him nor return his attentions. That proves how virtuous women are firm in their vow of chastity.

49. The sun enters the moon every new-moon, and so, the latter is also endowed with the heating quality of the former. And this, he exhibits in the case of lovers in separation.

50. The bee-black spot that is observed in the centre of the moon's globe is not the sign of deer as

*In Sanskrit, unlike in English, 'moon' is masculine. some suppose. But what it evidences is the application of lamp-black which he had while being used as one of the wheels of Rudra's chariot at the time of Tripura destruction.

51. Or, you may even consider that spot blue as indra-nīla gem, as night herself who is his beloved lying there is love's repose."

Thus ends the seventh canto of Vīrakamparāya çaritam, called Madhurāvijayam composed by Gangā Dēvī. Canto: VIII

The condition of the Tamil country after the Muslim occupation.

... ... Verily has become the abode of tigers, true to its name.... (incomplete).

In Srīrangam the lord of serpents is seen warding off the tumbling debris of brick with his hood lest their fall disturb the sleep of yōga in which Hari is wrapped up there.

When I look at the state of the temples of other gods also, my distress knows no bounds. The foldings of their door are eaten up by wood worms. The arches over their inner sanctuaries are rent with wild growths of vegetation.

Those temples which were once resonant with the sounds of mridanga drums are now echoing the fearful howls of jackals.

The river Kāvēri, uncurbed by proper bunds or dams, has become deflected very much from her time-honoured course, and flows in all sorts of wrong directions as if imitating the Turuṣkas in their actions.

The Brāhmin streets, where once the sacrificial smoke was ever seen rising, and the chanting of Vēdās always greeted the ears, now exhude the musty odour of meat, and resound with the lion-roars of drunken Turuṣkas.

I very much lament for what has happened to the groves in Madhura. The cocoanut trees have all been cut and in their place are to be seen rows of iron spikes with human skulls dangling at the points.

In the highways which were once charming with the sounds of anklets of beautiful women, are now heard ear-piercing noises of Brāhmins being dragged, bound in iron-fetters.

Webs worn by spiders have since taken the place of silk veils with which the dolls adorning the outer-towers of the city were once covered. Royal court-yards which were once cool with the spraying of ice-cold sandal, now distress me, wet as they are with the tears of Brāhmins taken as prisoners.

Screechings of owls in worn-out pleasure groves do not afflict me so much as the voice of parrots taught to speak Persian in the houses of Yavanas (Turuṣkas).

The waters of Tāmbraparṇi which were once white with sandal paste rubbed away from the breasts of charming girls are now flowing red with the blood of cows slaughtered by the miscreants.

Earth is no longer the producer of wealth. Nor does Indra give timely rains. The God of death takes his undue toll of what are left lives of undestroyed by the Yavanas.

I am very much distressed by looking at the tearful faces of Drāvidas, their lips parched by hot sighs, and their hair worn in utter disorder.

The Kali age deserves now deepest congratulations for being at the zenith of its power; for, gone is sacred learning; hidden is refinement; hushed is the voice of Dharma; destroyed is discipline, and discounted is nobility of birth.

Having thus narrated the sickening career of the Yavanas, she (the strange woman that appeared before Kampaṇa) by her wonderful power of magic caused a terrible-looking sword to appear.

The description of the sword presented to Kampaṇa. The exhortation of the female Apparition to Kampaṇa to rid Madhurai of the Muslim rule.

In its shining silver sheath and handle, it looked like a serpent that had recently sloughed. In its darkish brilliance it resembled the agaru paste that one might imagine on the person of Bhadrakāli whose advent marks the end of this universe. With the images of burning lamps reflected in its surface, it looked like a fresh cloud bright with lightening within it. This sword, efficacious in drawing tears of sorrow from the eyes of enemies' spouses, she placed before the king, as if it were the personification of the Prosperity-Goddess of Cōlas and Pāndyas and began to further address him thus :

"Oh king, in olden times, this sword was made by Viswakarma with the melted splinters of all divine missiles, and he gave it as a present to God Śiva for the destruction of asuras."

"And that God gave it as a boon to the Pāndya king, pleased with his severe austerities. And his successors had it for a long time and were the unchallenged rulers of their earth. "Sage Agastya, seeing that the Pāndya race has lost its old virility by the wearing influence of time, has new sent this scimitar to you, oh powerful king."

"You are by nature daring and wedded to risky enterprises. The possession of this weapon will make you formidable in battle. Forest fire is terrible enough, and if high winds also assist it, who can gauge its all-consuming ferocity?"

"By the wonderful virtue of being armed with this weapon you will never flag in the field of battle; nor would any harm result from enemy missiles such as sword, disc or bow."

"As you wave this lightning-like sword in battle, not even the God of death can dare oppose you, let alone, others."

"Do you now proceed to Southern Madhura and destroy the cruel king of Yavanas who is the enemy of the world, even as Sri Kṛṣṇa killed the demonic Kamsa who once ruled there (viz., Northern Madhura)."

"Not for the first time will you now be wearing this bracelet on your hand, which has been (even on prior occasions) the emblem of your vow of protecting the three worlds, bracelet which none but you can wear."

"Do you scatter the heads of Turuṣkas, heads with those swinging tufts, those blood-shot eyes, those ferocious beards and furious-browed foreheads." "May the sun of your prowess in battle wipe off the smile of moon-light from the faces of the drunken Yavana ladies."

"Dharma is in great distress by being now subjected to the scorching influence of the evil-natured Yavanas, and earth in consequence looks parched, as it were; and so may you, by the rain of enemies' blood, allay the latter's sufferings."

"May this sword of yours feast the evil spirits such as katas, pūtanas and yātudhānas with the blood flowing down from the headless trunks of your evil adversaries."

"May you erect many a pillar of triumph in the middle of Rāmasētu by dealing destruction to the Turuṣka lord who is wedded to nothing but evil doings and who therefore is to be regarded as the thorny shrub of the three worlds."

"The Kāvēri like a tamed female elephant will regain her normal course in the proper pace only if when you become supreme Governor, Oh Your Majesty".

(N. B.--Only the slokas available in the printed book in whole are translated here and as in the original no numbers are given.)

Thus ends the eighth canto of Vīrakamparāya çaritam, called Madhurāvijayam, composed by Gangā Dēvī. The Concluding Canto

(Translation of slōkās available completely in the concluding canto)

Slōkās 1 to 20: The final battle with the Muslims.

1. Bow-men severed the hands of elephant riders with Ardhachandra arrows; and they fell down in the pool of blood in the battle field like serpents in the sacrificial fire of Parīkshit's son.

2. Pearls from the broken heads of elephants in rut attacked by heroic warriors, fell down blood-tinged like sparks produced in sudden collision.

3. No sooner did a horseman begin to return after having cut with his sword the frontal globe of an elephant than that elephant was seen seizing his horse between his legs and squeezing him.

4. The blood flowing from the wounded frontal globes of elephants was seen, being drunk through their trunks by some night-prowling demons in great glee, spitting the pearls that also came with the blood stream.

5. Birds of prey with a view to taste the inner flesh entered into the body of a dead elephant making it quiver; jackals that mistook it for sign of life fled away, though they very much loved to feast on the body.

6. Just as the heads cut by wheels were about to fall down, they were snatched away quite afresh with life by Rākshasa women who desired to wear them as wreaths on their ears.

7. A certain elephant having seized by the foot, and thrown up a warrior with his trunk, wanted to catch him again, as he fell, with his pair of tusks.

8. A certain brave warrior thrown up by his adversary's elephant alighted on his back with his sword with which he despatched the enemy rider, and installed himself in his place.

9. A certain warrior, after having been killed by the rain of arrows of his angry adversary, became a god and from his place in swarga rained flowers upon the latter praising his valour with genuine delight.

10. A certain warrior was struck with a (doubleedged) lance by his opposing foe, and by embracing the latter with the same lance sticking in his body. wounded him. This act evoked great admiration. Who is there that is not moved by real exhibition of daring qualities?

11. Two warriors, meeting in single combat, cut each other's head with their swords after a long fight; leaving their bodies there, they went up together at once to celestial regions as close friends.

12. Some royal warriors, like lions, wandered in the field of battle, and tore the heads of their adversaries with their sharp nails as if the latter were opposing elephants. 13. With one blow of his sword he (king) split in two both the elephants and their riders with their coat of mail. Their bodies, lying mingled, gave but a slender clue for distinguishing the ranks of elephants from those of foot-soldiers.

14. The king, by smiting the elephants on their globes, produced many a river of blood scattering the pearls on their head like sands.

15. One thought, by looking at them, that there was not only one Tāmraparṇi river but several hundreds of Tāmraparṇis.

16. The heads of other elephants he pierced with his javelins and pearls came out from them. This reminded one of Subrahmaṇya boring a hole in the krownça mountain through which hosts of swans came out.

17. The agile king cut and wounded the bodies of those that opposed him, even as a hyena destroys, with his sharp nails, deer caught in front of him.

18. The brave king pounded the turbaned heads of his enemies with his mace in such a way that the eyes which came out of the sockets sank again in their old places.

19. When the king, thus began to work destruction in the enemy ranks with his several weapons, the opposing army fled before him and disappeared like rains in the huge fires that are started at the end of universe (Praḷaya). 20. Not even Parasurāma, Rāma, Bhīma or Arjuna provided such entertainment as the king did to that sage (Nārada) who always loved the sight of good battle.

Slōkās 21 to 40: Kampaṇa met the Sultan in a duel and killed him. The conquest of Madhurai was accomplished.

21. Then seeing all his Turuṣka forces routed in battle, the Yavana king, stringing his fearful bow, met the king Kampa in single combat even as Vritra did the king of the gods.

22. The warriors regarded him as the embodiment of both anger and intoxication, his eyes red with the drink of vīra-pāna, and knitted brows on his forehead fearful to look at.

23. His jewelled tuft in a line of unbroken brilliance as he rode on his fast horse looked like the wreath of his smoking anger which was about to blaze.

24. The sound produced by his forceful stringing of the bow seemed as if it were emanating from the anklets of the Goddess of Victory, who, after having deserted him so long, was now returning to him in haste.

25. The brave king Kampa delighted in his having an opponent like the Suratrāna (Sultan) who had by his valour reduced the Cōlas and Pāndyas and despoiled the wealth of Vīra Ballāla (the Third).

26. The two proud opponents fought in a manner befitting the respective might of their arms, by showering arrows on each other with their bows bent up to their ears.

27. The king of the Yavanas warded off the arrows let fly by king Kampa, which were like the side glances of the Goddess of Heroism. And the king, similarly, checked the Pārasika's (Persian's) arrows which resembled the eye-darts of Yama's sister.

28. King Kampa let fly against the Yavana king his arrows that had, like serpents, drunk the lifebreaths of Kēralas, like fire had consumed the lords of the Vanya Kingdom, and like the sun had destroyed the dark Andhras.

29. The scratches caused by the Yavana king's arrow on the person of king Kampa shone like the nail marks of the Goddess of Victory that was so passionate to enjoy her privacy.

30. The crow banner of the Yavana king which looked like the typification of the crown of Kali age was destroyed by king Kampa, and with that the former's hope of victory also.

31. The king, with his arrow, cut the bow-string of the Turuṣka king who was, in his fury, raining arrows at the former. It was as if the knife was laid on the auspicious chord round the neck of the Rājyalakṣmī (kingly prosperity) of the Turuṣkas.

32. The Turuṣka hero blazing with anger, then threw away his bow, and hastily drew out his terrible sword that was hanging on the side of his horse's saddle.

33. Determined to make an end of the Yavana king, king Kampa also armed himself with that sword which Agastya had sent him, and which looked as terrible as Yama himself.

34. That sword, grey-coloured like poisoned fumes as it was being waved by the hand of king Kampa, looked like a serpent about to drink the lifebreath from the Yavana's body.

35. Seated on his agile horse, king Kampa, who was the glory of the Karnāta race, avoiding the sword blow aimed by the Yavana, cut off in an instant the head of the latter.

36. The head of the Suratrāna (Sultan) fell on the ground, the head that never knew the art of cajoling servant-like, the head that had borne the royal burden of the Turuṣka Samrājya (Supremacy) and had not bowed down even to gods.

37. The hero, Kampa, was astonished to see that, even after the head had fallen, the trunk on the horseback still held the reins, checking the horse's course with one hand, while the other was uplifted to return the blow of the adversary.

38. On the head of king Kampa, held high in pride, fell heaps of flowers rained from the celestial egions, and those heaps had the appearance of auspicious yellow-rice (akṣata) let fall by the Goddess of Kingly Prosperity, on Her self-chosen Lord.

39. Like the beauty of the forest saved from forest-fire, like the view of the sky after the vanishing of an eclipse, or the calm appearance of the river Yamuna after the eradication of the serpent Kāḷiya, the region of the South shone after the overthrow of the Pārasikas.

40. King Kamparaya guaranteed the safety of the remaining men in his enemy ranks and was crowned with happiness and glory.

Thus ends the poem Vīrakamparāya çaritam called
Madhurāvijayam, composed by Gangā Dēvī.
-
॥ श्रीः ॥

मधुराविजयम्

अथवा वीरकम्परायचरितं

श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचितम् ।

प्रथमः सर्गः ।

कल्याणाय सतां भूयात् देवो दन्तावलाननः ।
<error>शरणागतसङ्कल्प कल्पनाकल्पपादपः</error><fix>शरणागतसङ्कल्पकल्पनाकल्पपादपः</fix> ॥ १ ॥

स्रष्टुः स्त्री [पुंसनिर्मा*]णमातृकारूपधारिणौ ।
प्रपद्ये प्रतिबोधाय चित्प्रकाशात्मकौ शिवौ ॥ २ ॥

<error>महाकविमुखाम्भोज मणिपञ्जरशारिकाम्</error><fix>महाकविमुखाम्भोजमणिपञ्जरशारिकाम्</fix> ।
चैतन्यजलधिज्योत्स्नां देवीं वन्दे सरस्वतीम् ॥ ३॥

असाधारणसार्वज्ञ्यं विलसत्सर्वमङ्गलम् ।
क्रियाशक्तिगुरुं वन्दे त्रिलोचनमिवापरम् ॥ ४॥

चेतसोऽस्तु प्रसादाय सतां प्राचेतसो मुनिः ।
पृथिव्यां पद्यनिर्माणविद्यायाः प्रथमं पदम् ॥ ५ ॥

वैयासिके गिरां गुम्फे पुण्ड्रेक्षाविव लभ्यते ।
सद्यः सहृदयाह्लादी सारः पर्वणि पर्वणि ॥ ६ ॥

दासतां कालिदासस्य कवयः के न बिभ्रति ।
इदानीमपि तस्यार्थानुपजीवन्त्यमी यतः ॥ ७ ॥
वाणीपाणिपरामृष्टवीणानिक्वाणहारिणीम् ।
भावयन्ति कथं वान्ये भट्टबाणस्य भारतीम् ॥ ८ ॥

विमर्दव्यक्तसौरभ्या भारती भारवेः कवेः ।
धत्ते वकुलमालेव विदग्धानां चमक्रियाम् ॥ ९ ॥

आचार्यदण्डिनो वाचामाचान्तामृतसंपदाम् ।
विकासो वेधसः पत्न्या विलासमणिदर्पणः ॥ १० ॥

सा कापि सुरभिः शङ्के भवभूतेः सरस्वती ।
कर्णेषु लब्धवर्णानां सूते सुखमयीं सुधाम् ॥ ११ ॥

<error>मन्दारमञ्जरीस्यन्दि मकरन्दरसाब्धयः</error><fix>मन्दारमञ्जरीस्यन्दिमकरन्दरसाब्धयः</fix> ।
कस्य नाह्लादनायालं कर्णामृतकवेर्गिरः ॥ १२ ॥

तिक्कयस्य कवेः सूक्तिः कौमुदीव कलानिधेः ।
सतृष्णैः कविभिः स्वैरं चकोरैरिव सेव्यते ॥ १३ ॥

चतुस्सप्ततिकाव्योक्तिव्यक्तवैदुष्यसंपदे ।
अगस्त्याय जगत्यस्मिन् स्पृहयेत् को न कोविदः ॥ १४ ॥

स्तुमस्तमपरं व्यासं <error>गङ्गाधर महाकविम्</error><fix>गङ्गाधरमहाकविम्</fix> ।
नाटकच्छद्मना दृष्टां यश्चक्रे भारत कथाम् ॥ १५ ॥

चिरं स विजयीभूयात् विश्वनाथः कवीश्वरः ।
यस्य प्रसादात् सार्वज्ञ्यं समिन्धे मादृशेष्वपि ॥ १६ ॥

क्वचिदर्थः कचिच्छब्दः क्वचिद् भावः कचिद् रसः ।
यत्रैते सन्ति सर्वेऽपि स निबन्धो न लभ्यते ॥ १७ ॥
प्रबन्धमीषन्मात्रोऽपि दोषो नयति दूष्यताम् ।
कालागरुद्रवभरं शुक्तिक्षारकणो यथा ॥ १८ ॥

निर्दोषाप्यगुणा वाणी न विद्वज्जनरञ्जिनी ।
पतिव्रताप्यरूपा स्त्री परिणेत्रे न रोचते ॥ १९ ॥

गुणं विहाय काव्येषु <error>दुष्ठो</error><fix>दुष्टो</fix> दोषं गवेषते ।
वनेषु त्यक्तमाकन्दः काको निम्बमपेक्षते ॥ २० ॥

चौर्यार्जितेन काव्येन वियत् दीव्यति दुर्जनः ।
आहार्यरागो न चिरं रुचिरः कृत्रिमोपलः ॥ <error>१२</error><fix>२१</fix> ॥

तार्किका बहवः सन्ति शाब्दिकाश्च सहस्रशः ।
विरलाः कवयो लोके सरलालापपेशलाः ॥ २२ ॥

करोति कीर्तिमर्थाय कल्पते हन्ति दुष्कृतम् ।
उन्मीलयति चाह्लादं किं न सूते कवेः कृतिः ॥ २३ ॥

न प्रार्थनीयः सत्काव्यश्रुत्यै सहृदयो जनः ।
स्वादुपुष्परसास्वादे कः प्रेरयति षट्पदम् ॥ २४ ॥

तन्मदीयमिदं काव्यं विबुधाः श्रोतुमर्हथ ।
मधुराविजयं नाम चरितं कम्पभूपतेः ॥ २५ ॥

आसीत् समस्तसामन्तमस्तकन्यस्तशासनः ।
बुक्कराज इति ख्यातो राजा हरिहरानुजः ॥ २६ ॥

यः शेष इव नागानां नगानां हिमवानिव ।
दैत्यारिरिव देवानां प्रथमः पृथिवीभुजाम् ॥ २७ ॥
तिग्मांशोरपि तेजस्वी शीतांशोरपि शीतलः ।
सागरादपि गम्भीरः सुमेरोरपि यः स्थिरः ॥ २८ ॥

विवेकमेव सचिवं धनुरेव वरूथिनीम् ।
बाहुमेव रणोत्साहे यः सहायममन्यत ॥ २९ ॥

जिष्णुना भुवनेशेन श्रीदेन समवर्तिना ।
सान्निध्यं लोकपालानां धरणौ येन दर्शितम् ॥ ३० ॥

हृदये चन्दनालेपैः कर्णे मौक्तिककुण्डलैः ।
सतां मुखे च कर्पूरैर्यस्याभावि यशोभरैः ॥ ३१ ॥

विरोधिवाहिनीनाथविक्षोभणपटीयसा ।
भुजेन भूभृता यस्य प्राप्ता कीर्तिमयी सुधा ।॥ ३२ ॥

यस्य कीर्त्या प्रसर्पन्त्या गुणकर्पूरशालिनः ।
जगदण्डकरण्डस्य क्षौमकञ्चुलिकायितम् ॥ ३३ ॥

परिपन्थिनृपप्राणपवनाहारदारुणः ।
असृजद् भुजगो यस्य कृपाणः कीर्तिकञ्चुकम् ॥ ३४ ॥

यदीयो दक्षिणः पाणिः कृपाणीग्रहणच्छलात् ।
अशिक्षत विपक्षश्रीवेणीकर्षणकौशलम् ॥ ३५ ॥

लक्ष्मीश्चिराज्जगद्रक्षाजागरूकमुपेत्य यम् ।
योगनिद्राजडं विष्णुं कदाचिदपि नास्मरत् ॥ ३६ ॥

कलिकालमहाघर्मप्लुष्टो धर्ममहीरुहः ।
यस्य दानाम्बुसेकेन पुनरङ्कुरितोऽभवत् ॥ २७ ॥
यस्याङ्घ्रिपीठसंघर्षरेखालाञ्छितमौलयः ।
आशास्वरिनृपा एव जयस्तम्भतया स्थिताः ॥ ३८ ॥

<error>यत्प्रतापानलज्वालामालाकबलिता</error><fix>यत्प्रतापानलज्वालामालाकवलिता</fix> इव ।
कीर्तयः शत्रुभूपानामासन् मलिनमूर्तयः ॥ ३९ ॥

बद्धाः सभाङ्गणे यस्य भान्ति स्म जयसिन्धुराः ।
बन्दीकृता इवाम्भोदा जैत्रयात्रानिरोधिनः ॥ ४० ॥

यस्य सेनातुरङ्गाणां खुरैरुत्थापितं रजः ।
अकाण्डे राहुसन्देहं मार्ताण्डस्योदपादयत् ॥ ४१ ॥

यद्विभूतिस्तुतौ स्वल्पा लक्ष्मीर्यक्षामरेशयोः ।
दूरे दुर्योधनादीनां संपत्सादृश्यकल्पना ॥ ४२ ॥

तस्यासीद् विजया नाम विजयार्जितसंपदः । राजधानी बुधैः श्लाघ्या शक्रस्येवामरावती ॥ ४३

सुरलोकान्त संक्रान्तस्वर्णदीमत्सरादिव ।
परिखाकारतां यान्त्या परीता तुङ्गभद्रया ॥ ४४ ॥

लक्ष्मीलतालवालेन क्ष्मावधूनाभिशोभिना ।
चक्राचलप्रकारेण प्राकारेण परिष्कृता ॥ ४५ ॥

स्फुरन्मणिप्रभाहूतपुरुहूतशरासनैः ।
सुमेरुशृङ्गसंकाशैर्गोपुरैरुपशोभिता ॥ ४६ ॥

उत्फुल्लचम्पकाशोकनागकेसरकेसरैः ।
वसन्तवासभवनैरारामैरभितो वृता ॥ ४७ ॥
कस्तूरीहरिणाक्रान्तकर्पूरकदलीतलैः ।
<flag>मनोभवमहीदुर्गैर्भैहिता</flag> केलिपर्वतैः ॥ ४८ ॥

कमलामोदमधुरैः कलहंसकुलाकुलैः ।
क्रीडासरोभिः सहिता मणिसोपानमञ्जुलैः ॥ ४९ ॥

यशस्स्तोमैरिवाशेषनगरीविजयार्जितैः ।
सौधैः प्रकाशितोत्सेधा शरदम्भोदपाण्डरैः ॥ ५० ॥

विकसद्वनितावल्लीविलासवनवाटिका ।
दक्षिणाशासरोजाक्षीफाललीलाललाटिका ॥ ५१ ॥

द्विजराजसमुल्लासनित्यराकानिशीथिनी ।
गन्धर्वगणसान्निध्यनव्यदिव्यवरूथिनी ॥ ५२ ॥

भुजङ्गसङ्घसंवासभूतेशमुकुटस्थली ।
सुमनस्तोमसंचारसुवर्णगिरिमेखला ॥ ५३ ॥

लीलेव दिष्टिवृद्धीनां शालेव सकलश्रियाम् ।
मालेव सर्वरत्नानां वेलेव सुकृताम्बुधेः ॥ ५४ ॥

( द्वादशभिः कुलकम् । )

यस्यां प्रासादशृङ्गेषु लग्नं मार्ताण्डमण्डलम् ।
संधत्ते वीक्षमाणानां सौवर्णकलशभ्रमम् ॥ ५५ ॥

यत्सौधचन्द्रशालासु विहरन्त्यो मृगेक्षणाः ।
शशाङ्कमवलम्बन्ते मुक्ताकन्दुकशङ्कया ॥ ५६ ॥

यत्र सौधेषु सङ्गीतमृदङ्गप्रतिनादिषु ।
अकाण्डे ताण्डवारम्भं वितन्वन्ति शिखण्डिनः ॥ ५७ ॥
पद्मरागोपलोत्कीर्णप्रासादप्रान्तवर्तिनः ।
सन्ततं यत्र दृश्यन्ते सान्ध्या इव बलाहकाः ॥ ५८ ॥

सन्ध्यासु यत्र निर्यान्ति जालेभ्यो धूपराजयः ।
अन्तःप्रदीपिकालोकचकितध्वान्तसन्निभाः ॥ ५९ ॥

यद्दीर्घिकासु <error>माणिक्कमयसोपानचारिभिः</error><fix>माणिक्यमयसोपानचारिभिः</fix> ।
क्षणदास्वपि चक्राह्वैर्विरहो नानुभूयते ॥ ६० ॥

यदङ्गनामुखाम्भोजलावण्यालाभलज्जितः ।
कलङ्कच्छद्मना चन्द्रो व्यनक्ति हृदयव्यथाम् ॥ ६१ ॥

यत्र स्त्रीणां कटाक्षेषु यूनां हृदयहारिषु ।
पुष्पास्त्रसंचये वाञ्छां मुञ्चते मुञ्चसायकः ॥ ६२ ॥

मरालैर्मञ्जुमञ्जीरशिञ्जिताकृष्टमानसैः ।
लीलागतिमिव प्राप्तुं सेव्यन्ते यत्र योषितः ॥ ६३ ॥

यत्रावलग्नसादृश्यवाञ्छाविमतमम्बरम् ।
प्रायः पयोधरोत्सेधैर्निरुन्धन्ति पुरन्ध्रयः ॥ ६४ ॥

यत्र वामभ्रुवामेव काठिन्यं स्तनमण्डले ।
कौटिल्यं <flag>कबरीमारे</flag> कार्श्यं मध्ये च दृश्यते ॥ ६५ ॥

यच्छाखानगरीं पम्पामनेकधनदाश्रिताम् ।
अधितिष्ठन् विरूपाक्षो न स्मरत्यलकापुरीम् ॥ ६६ ॥

स तस्याममरावत्यां पुरुहूत इव स्थितः ।
अशिषद् द्यामिव क्षोणीमनवद्यपराक्रमः ॥ ६७ ॥

मित्राभ्युदयदायिन्या भूत्या नीत्या प्रभूतया ।
मनुमेव पुनर्जातं तममन्यन्त मानवाः ॥ ६८ ॥
समोऽपि पुरुषार्थेषु स धर्मं सम्मतः सताम् ।
बह्नमंस्त पुमानाद्यः <error>सत्वं</error><fix>सत्त्वं</fix> त्रिषु गुणेष्विव ॥ ६९ ॥

दानं पाणेः श्रुतेः सूक्तं <error>मौलेस्त्रयम्बकपादुकाम्</error><fix>मौलेस्त्र्यम्बकपादुकाम्</fix> ।
भूषाममंस्त यः श्रीमान् श्रेयोऽवाप्तिसमुत्सुकः ॥ ७० ॥

आ विन्ध्यादा च मलयादास्ताद्रेरा च रोहणात् ।
प्रकम्पिताहितप्राणं <flag>प्राणंसिषुरमुं</flag> नृपाः ॥ ७१ ॥

कुलक्रमानुसंप्राप्तक्षोणीरक्षणजागरः <error>गरः</error><fix></fix>।
अभुङ्क्त विपुलान् भोगाननासक्तमनाः प्रभुः ॥ ७२ ॥

देवायी नाम तस्यासीद् देवी वसुमतीपतेः ।
पद्मा पद्मेक्षणस्येव शङ्करस्येव पार्वती ॥ ७३ ॥

सत्स्वप्यन्येषु दारेषु तामेव मनुजाधिपः ।
बह्वमंस्त निशानाथो नक्षत्रेष्विव रोहिणीम् ॥ ७४ ॥

कर्णाटलोकनयनोत्सवपूर्णचन्द्रः
साकं तया हृदयसंमतया नरेन्द्रः ।
कालोचितान्यनुभवन् क्रमशः सुखानि
वीरश्चिराय विजयापुरमध्यवात्सीत् ॥ ७५ ॥

इति श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि वीरकम्परायचरिते प्रथमः सर्गः ।

मीनाक्ष्यै नमः । अथ द्वितीयः सर्गः ।

अथास्य वंशप्रतिरोहबीजं महीभुजो गर्भमधत्त देवी ।
<error>जगत्रयोद्भूतिनिदानभूतं</error><fix>जगत्त्रयोद्भूतिनिदानभूतं</fix> तेजो विधातुः प्रथमेव सृष्टिः ॥ १ ॥

मुखेन तन्वी शरपाण्डरेण विमुक्तरत्नाभरणा विरेजे ।
विलूनराजीववना दिनान्ते छायाशशाङ्केन शरन्नदीव ॥ २ ॥

गर्भस्थितस्येव शिशोर्विधातुं वसुन्धरामण्डलभारशिक्षाम् ।
अरोचयत् पार्थिवधर्मपत्नी मन्ये मृदा स्वादरसानुबन्धम् ॥ ३ ॥

अनन्यसामान्यभुजापदानमुत्पत्स्यमानं तनयं नृपस्य ।
अनारतं वीररसानुबन्धं न्यवेदयन् दौहृदमेव देव्याः ॥ ४ ॥

सा तुङ्गभद्रां सविधे वहन्तीं सुभ्रूरनादृत्य सुखावगाहाम् ।
विहर्तुमैच्छन्निजसैन्यनागैस्तरङ्गिते वारिणि ताम्रपर्ण्याः ॥ ५ ॥

अपारयन्ती <flag>चरितैणशावं</flag> क्रीडाचलोपान्तमपि प्रयातुम् ।
आखेटरागादधिरोढुमैच्छन्माद्यन्मृगेन्द्रान् मलयाद्रिकूटान् ॥ ६ ॥

सा दैत्यनाथप्रथनाय पूर्वं <flag>विष्णोरधस्तात्कृतपौरुषस्य</flag> ।
आकर्णयन्ती कुहनाप्रपञ्चादासी.... .... ....॥ ७॥

पृथ्वी रथः सारथिरब्जसूतिः शेषेण सज्यं धनुरद्रिराजः ।
शरश्च शौरिः किल हन्त लक्ष्यं त्रयं पुरामित्यहसत् पुरारिम् ॥ ८ ॥

क्रमाज्जहद्भिः क्रशिमानमङ्गैर्मुखेन मुग्धालसलोचनेन ।
मध्येन च त्यक्तबलित्रयेण नरेश्वरं नन्दयति स्म राज्ञी ॥ ९ ॥
सौभाग्यगन्धद्विपदानलेखा रराज तस्या नवरोमराजिः ।
तेजोनिधिं गर्भतले निगूढं कालोरगी रक्षितुमागतेव ॥ १० ॥

श्यामायमानच्छविना मुखेन स्तनद्वयं तामरसेक्षणायाः ।
संदष्टनीलोत्पलयोरभिरख्यां रथाङ्गनाम्नोरधरीचकार ॥ ११ ॥

तामम्बुगर्भामिव मेघमालां वेलामिवाभ्यन्तरलीनचन्द्राम् ।
अन्तस्थरत्नामिव शुक्तिरेखामापन्नसत्त्वां प्रभुरभ्यनन्दत् ॥ १२ ॥

ततः परं तापहरः प्रजानां पुरोहितोक्तया पुरुहूतकल्पः ।
व्यधत्त काले विभवानुरूपं पुंसां वरः पुंसवनक्रियां सः ॥ १३ ॥

अथ प्रशस्ते दिवसे समस्तैर्मौहर्तिकैः साधितपुण्यलग्ने ।
असूत सूनुं नरनाथपत्नी देवी महासेनमिवेन्दुमौलेः ॥ १४ ॥

महौजसस्तस्य निजैर्यशोभिरुद्वेलदुग्धोदधिपूरगौरैः ।
प्रक्षालितानीव तदा बभूवुर्धृतप्रसादानि दिशां मुखानि ॥ १५ ॥

ज्ञात्वा वशे तस्य भुवं भवित्रीं भयादिवास्पृष्टपरागलेशः ।
आकृष्टकल्पद्रुमपुष्पगन्धो मरुद् ववौ मन्दममन्दशैत्यः ॥ १६ ॥

आगामिनीमध्वरहव्यसिद्धिं निश्चित्य देशेष्वपि दक्षिणेषु ।
प्रदक्षिणीभूतशिखाकलापो ननर्त हर्षादिव हव्यवाहः ॥ १७ ॥

कल्पद्रुमास्तेन हरिष्यमाणां मत्वा निजां त्यागयशःपताकाम् ।
पयोधरप्रेषितपुष्पवर्षाः प्रागेव सन्धानमिवान्वतिष्ठन् ॥ १८ ॥

स्ववैरिभूतान् मृगयासु सिंहान् हन्ता प्रवीरोऽयमिति प्रहर्षात् ।
प्रभिन्नगण्डस्रुतदानधारा जगर्जुरुच्चैर्जयकुञ्जरेन्द्राः ॥ १९ ॥
अस्योपवाह्यत्वमुपेत्य लभ्यां कीर्ति भवित्रीमिव भावयन्तः ।
क्ष्मामुल्लिखन्तश्चटुलैः खुराग्रैर्जिहेषिरे हर्षजुषस्तुरङ्गाः ॥ २० ॥

प्रस्तावितो मङ्गलतूर्यघोषैः प्रसारितश्चारणचाटुवादैः ।
प्रहृष्यतां तत्र पुरे जनानां कोलाहलः कोऽपि समुज्जजृम्भे ॥ २१ ॥

सुखायमानां सुतजन्मवार्तां सहर्षमावेदयते जनाय ।
अवाञ्छदात्मानमपि प्रदातुं कुतूहली कुन्तलभूमिपालः ॥ २२ ॥

विशृङ्खलास्तस्य गिरा निरीयुः कारागृहेभ्यो विमतावरोधाः ।
तुलुष्कबन्दीनिवहाय तूर्णमागामिने दातुमिवावकाशम् ॥ २३ ॥

स्नातस्ततो धौतदुकूलधारी वितीय भूरि द्रविणं द्विजेभ्यः ।
महीपतिः पुत्रमुखं दिदृक्षुः प्राविक्षदन्तःपुरमात्तहर्षः ॥ २४ ॥

अवैक्षत क्षामशरीरयष्टेः कुमारमुत्सङ्गगतं स देव्याः ।
शरत्कृशाया इव शैवलिन्यास्तरङ्गलग्नं कलहंसशावम् ॥ २५ ॥

प्रकीर्णकाश्मीरपरागगौरैस्तिरस्कृताभ्यन्तरदीपशोभैः
निवार्यमाणं मुहुरुज्जिहानैररिष्टगेहं महसां प्ररोहैः ॥ २६ ॥

मुहुर्मुहुः पल्लवपाटलेन मुष्टीकृतेन द्वितयेन पाण्योः ।
अरातिलक्ष्मीकचसंचयानामाकर्षशिक्षामिव शीलयन्तम् ॥ २७ ॥

आलक्ष्यरेखामयशङ्खचकच्छत्रारविन्दध्वजमीनचिह्नौ ।
प्रवालताम्राङ्गुलिदर्शनीयौ सुजातपार्ष्णी चरणौ वहन्तम् ॥ २८ ॥

का(ले?ये) कलामप्यसुरान्तकस्य प्रकाशयन्तीमवतारमन्यम् ।
<flag>अचञ्चलश्रीतटिदभ्रलेखां</flag> श्रीवत्समुद्रामुरसा दधानम् ॥ २९ ॥
ऊर्णासनाथायतफालपट्टमुन्निद्रपद्मच्छददीर्घनेत्रम् ।
ताम्राधरोष्ठं समतुङ्गनासं मुग्धस्मिताङ्गं मुखमुद्वहन्तम् ॥ ३० ॥

(षड्भिः कुलकम् ।)

अव्याजसौन्दर्यगुणाभिरामं कुमारमालोकयतश्चिराय ।
नृपस्य निष्पन्ददृशो मुहूर्तमानन्दबाप्पोऽभवदन्तरायः ॥ ३१ ॥

आश्लिष्यतस्तस्य दृशा तनूजमन्तः प्रहर्षेण विजृम्भितेन ।
प्रायः प्रणुन्नैर्बहिरङ्गकेभ्यः प्रादुर्बभूवे पुलकप्ररोहैः ॥ ३२ ॥

ततः प्रतीतेऽह्नि पुरोहितेन नरेन्द्रसूनुः कृतजातकर्मा । समिद्धतेजाः समतामयासीन्मन्त्रप्रणीतेन मखानलेन ॥ ३३

आकम्पयिष्यत्ययमेकवीरः संग्रामरङ्गे सकलानरातीन् ।
इत्येव निश्चित्य स दीर्घदर्शी नाम्ना सुतं कम्पन इत्यकार्षीत् ॥ ३४ ॥

धात्रीभिराप्ताभिरमुं कुमारमवर्धयद् भूपतिरादरेण ।
यज्वा यथाज्याहुतिर्मिहुताशं सस्यं यथा वृष्टिभिरम्बुवाहः ॥ ३५ ॥

क्रमेण धात्रीजनशिक्षितानि वचांसि यातानि च मन्थराणि ।
स्खलत्पदान्यस्य घराधिनाथो निशम्य दृष्ट्वा च स निर्वृतोऽभूत् ॥ ३६ ॥

तदाननं तस्य सुगन्धि जिघ्रन्नालक्ष्यदन्ताङ्कुरदर्शनीयम् ।
न तृप्तिमासादयति स्म राजा नवोदयं हंस इवारविन्दम् ॥ ३७ ॥

तथा न कर्पूरभरैर्न हारैर्न चन्दनैर्नाप्यमृतांशुपादैः ।
यथाभवन्निर्वृतमस्य गात्रं सुताङ्गसंस्पर्शभुवा सुखेन ॥ ३८ ॥
कलत्क्वणत्काञ्चनकिङ्किणीकं गृहाङ्गणे जानुचरं कुमारम् ।
आलोकयन्तावमृताम्बुराशेर्मग्नाविवान्तः पितरावभूताम् ॥ ३९ ॥

अथ क्रमात् पार्थिवधर्मपत्नी सुतावुभौ कम्पनसङ्गमाख्यौ ।
असूत चिन्तामणिपारिजातौ पयःपयोधेरिव वीचिरेखा ।॥ ४० ॥

स राजसूनुः सह सोदराभ्यां दिने दिने वृद्धिमुपाससाद । शशीव सानन्दमुदीक्ष्यमाणः प्रजाभिरालोकसमुत्सुकाभिः ॥ ४१ ॥<error>]</error><fix></fix>

पशुपतिरिव नेत्रैः सोमसूर्याग्निरूपै-
र्नय इव निरपायैः प्राभवोत्साहमन्त्रैः ।
भव इव पुरुषार्थैर्र्धर्मकामार्थसंज्ञै-
स्त्रिभिरपि नरपालस्तैस्तनूजैरभासीत् ॥ ४२ ॥

इति श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि [वीर]कम्परायचरिते द्वितीयः सर्गः । अथ तृतीयः सर्गः ।

ततो यथावत्कृतचौलसत्क्रियो नरेन्द्रसूनुः स्वत एव लब्धवान् ।
कलासु शश्वत् सकलासु कौशलं गुरूपदेशस्त्वपदेशतामगात् ॥ १ ॥

स <error>तीर्थलब्धायुधशस्त्रविदा</error> गुणाभिरामो गुरुणैव शिक्षितः ।
शरासनासिप्रमुखेषु शातधीरगच्छदस्त्रेष्वखिलेषु पाटवम् ॥ २ ॥

स सत्यवाग् भूरिबलो धनुर्धरस्तुरङ्गमारोहणकर्ममर्मवित् ।
कृपाणविद्यानिपुणः पृथाभुवामदर्शि संङ्घात इवैकतां गतः ॥ ३ ॥

स पञ्चबाणद्विपकेलिदीर्घिकां धरानुरागद्रुमपुष्पमञ्जरीम् ।
नितम्बिनीनेत्रचकोरचन्द्रिकामवापदास्कन्दितशैशवां दशाम् ॥ ४ ॥

स नव्यतारुण्यनिरस्तशैशवो विभुर्विभक्तावयवो व्यराजत ।
वसन्तनिर्धूततुषारमण्डलः पतिर्दिनानामिव तीव्रदीधितिः ॥ ५ ॥

स सर्वतः पर्वतकन्दराश्रयैः परिग्रहानुग्रहकाङ्क्षिभिर्गजैः ।
वितीर्णमुत्कोचतयेव धीरधीरधारयद् विभ्रममन्थरं गतम् ॥ ६॥

स रूपगर्वेण निरास्थदङ्घ्रिणा स्मरस्य नूनं जयवैजयन्तिकाम् ।
न चेत् कथं तस्य तलेऽतिकोमले सुलेखमालक्ष्यत मीनलाञ्छनम् ॥ ७ ॥

शुभाकृतेस्तस्य सुवर्णमेखलं कटिस्थलं स्थूलशिलाविशङ्कटम् ।
व्यडम्बयन्नूतनधातुपट्टिकापरिष्कृतामञ्जनभूभृतस्तटीम् ॥ ८ ॥

अधारयद् दर्शितदेहसौष्ठवां स राजसूनुस्तनुवृत्तमध्य(मा?ता)म् ।
पराक्रमत्रासितचित्तवृत्तिभिर्मृगाधिराजैरुपदीकृतामिव ॥ ९ ॥
व्यराजतोरःस्थलमस्य तावता विशालभावेन कवाटबन्धुरम् ।
करीन्द्रकुम्भप्रतिमं मृगीदृशां कुचद्वयं याति न यावता बहिः ॥ १० ॥

घनांसपीठौ कठिनारुणाङ्गुली पटुप्रकोष्ठौ परिघानुकारिणौ ।
महौजसस्तस्य मनोहरौ भुजावपश्यदाजानुविलम्बिनौ जनः ॥ ११ ॥

विहाय मध्यं यदि लक्ष्मरेखया चहिः प्रसार्येत सुधांशुमण्डलम् ।
दरोदितश्मश्रु(धृ?कृ)तश्रियस्तदा तदाननेन्दोरुपमानतां व्रजेत् ॥ १२ ॥

विनिद्रपङ्केरुहदामदीर्घयोर्दृशोरुपान्ते जनितोऽस्य शोणिमा ।
अनर्गलस्वप्रसरप्ररोधकश्रुतिद्वयीदर्शितरोषयोरिव ॥ १३ ॥

अनुल्बणामायततुङ्गबन्धुराममंस्त लोकः स्फुटमस्य नासिकाम् ।
विशृङ्खलव्याप्नुवदीक्षणद्वयीपरस्पराक्रान्तिनिवारणार्गलाम् ॥ १४ ॥

अधारयद् गर्भितरक्तसन्ध्यकं नृपात्मजः केशकलापमायतम् ।
दृढानुरागच्छुरितैर्मृगीदृशामनुप्रविष्टं हृदयैरिवान्तरा ॥ १५ ॥

सह प्रतापेन समुन्नतिं <flag>वपुर्वलर्क्षभावं</flag> यशसा विलोचने ।
गुणैः परीणाहममुष्य कन्धरा स्वरेण गाम्भीर्यमगच्छदाशयः ॥ १६ ॥

अथैनमासादितयौवनोदयं नरेन्द्रकन्याभिरयोजयन्नृपः ।
घनागमः संभृतरत्नसंपदं वरापगाभिर्निधिमम्भसामिव ॥ १७ ॥

शचीव शक्रस्य रमेव शार्ङ्गिणः सतीव शम्भो.... .... .... ।
.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... ॥ १८ ॥

[नरेन्द्रसूनुर्नयनाभिरामया तया समं निर्विशति स्म सुभ्रुवा ।
परस्परप्रेमरसोत्तरं सुखं <error>दिवौकसार्मप्यतिमात्रदुर्लभम्</error><fix>दिवौकसामप्यतिमात्रदुर्लभम्</fix> ॥ १९ ॥
अरातिवर्गोन्मथनेन विश्रुतं विधातुमत्यन्तविनीतमप्यमुम् ।
कदाचिदर्थोल्लसितेन भूपतिः स वाङ्मयेनैवमुपादिशत् सुतम् ॥ २० ॥

धियः प्रकाशादुपदेशसंभृतात् तमो हि तारुण्यविजृम्भितं जनाः ।
समुज्झितुं तात ! भवन्ति पारितास्तदे*] तदाकर्णयितुं त्वमर्हसि ॥ २१ ॥

गुरूपदेशः किल कथ्यते बुधैरकर्कशं किंचन रत्नकुण्डलम् ।
अमेचकं नूतनमञ्जनं सतामजातगात्रक्षयमद्भुतं तपः ॥ २२ ॥

मुहुः प्रसर्पन्मदमीलितेक्षणाः क्षणाधिरोहद्रजसो मलीमसाः ।
गजा इव स्तम्भनिरुद्धचेतसः खला न गृह्णन्ति नियन्तृचोदितम् ॥ २३ ॥

मदान्धकारो हि महानिशीथिनी प्रबोधचन्द्रप्रतिरोधकालिका ।
मनोजमत्तद्विपवैजयन्तिका शरीरिणां शश्वदलङ्घिनी दशा ॥ २४ ॥

भवत्यहंकारमहीरुहाङ्कुरे दयापयश्शोषणदारुणोष्मणि ।
तमःप्रदोषे तरुणिम्नि कस्य वा समञ्जसं पश्यति दृष्टिरञ्जसा ॥ २५ ॥

युवानमज्ञातनयागमक्रमं स्वतन्त्रमैश्वर्यमदोद्धतं नृपम् ।
विपत् क्षणेन व्यसनानुबन्धजा क्षिणोति चन्द्रं क्षणदेव तामसी ॥ २६ ॥

अशेषदोषाङ्कुरकुञ्जभूमयो मदान्धचेतोमृगबन्धवागुराः ।
कथं नु विश्वासपदं मनीषिणां मनोजमायाभटशस्त्रिकाः स्त्रियः ॥ २७ ॥

फलोत्तरा भूमिरनत्ययं बलं महार्हरत्नाभरणं च संपदः ।
किमन्यदात्मा च कलत्रपुत्रकैः परार्थमेव ध्रुवमक्षदेविनः ॥ २८ ॥

विना फलं जीवितसंशयप्रदां विनोदबुद्धया मृगयां भजेत कः ।
प्रमाद्यतां पार्थिवगन्धहस्तिनामियं हि वारी कथिता विचक्षणैः ॥ २९ ॥
समग्रतारुण्यमदस्य संपदा स्खलद्गतेर्यन्मदिरानिषेवणम् ।
स एष दोषत्रयजे महाज्वरे ग्रहाभिभूतस्य भुजङ्गनिग्रहः ॥ ३० ॥

हितानि कुर्वन्नपि नानुरक्तये जनस्य जल्पन् परुषं रुषा नृपः ।
पयांसि वर्षन्नपि किं न भीषणः कठोर <flag>विस्फूर्जथुगार्जितो</flag> घनः ॥ ३१ ॥

दुनोति दण्डेन दुरुत्सहेन यः प्रसह्य राष्ट्रं पदमात्मसंपदाम् ।
स वृक्षमारुह्य कुठारपातनं करोति मूलोद्दलनाय दुर्मतिः ॥ ३२ ॥

मदादपात्रेषु ददाति मन्दधीर्धनानि धर्मादिकसाधनानि यः ।
निपात्यते तेन मखक्रियोचितं हविश्चितासद्मनि कृष्णवर्त्मनि ॥ ३३ ॥

अर्थैभिरैश्वर्यशरीरयक्ष्मभिर्हताखिलाङ्गैर्व्यसनैरुपद्रुताः ।
तमः पराभूतनिजौजसो नृपाः प्रयान्ति कालाद् द्विषतामुपेक्ष्यताम् ॥ ३४ ॥

उपेयुषीं पुण्यवशेन संपदं गुणानुरोधादुपभोक्तुमक्षमाः ।
स्वचापलेन श्लथयन्ति दुर्धियो <flag>वलीमुखाः</flag> पुष्पमयीमिव स्रजम् ॥ ३५ ॥

भवादृशास्तु स्वत एव शुद्धया गुरूपदेशैर्गुणितप्रकाशया ।
धिया निरस्तव्यसनानुबन्धया विलोक्य कार्याणि विधातुमीशते ॥ ३६ ॥

तदेवमात्मन्यवधार्य धैर्यतस्तथा विधेयं भवतापि धीमता ।
यथेयमेकान्तचला भवद्गुणैर्लभेत लक्ष्मीः स्थिरतामनारतम् ॥ ३७ ॥

क्रमागताः कर्मकृतो विमत्सरास्तरस्विनस्तापितवैरिमानसाः ।
महीभुजस्त्यक्तमदा मदाज्ञया तवान्तिके तात ! वसन्ति साम्प्रतम् ॥ ३८ ॥

सहस्रशस्तुङ्गतुरङ्गवीचयो मदद्विपद्वीपविशेषितान्तराः ।
भवन्तमुग्रायुधनक्रराजयो भजन्ति नित्यं बहला बलाब्धयः ॥ ३९ ॥
तदेवमुज्जृम्भितभूरिपौरुषः पराक्रमं वैरिषु कर्तुमर्हसि ।
उपप्लुताशेषजगत्सु रोषणो वृषेव शातां शतकोटिमद्रिषु ॥ ४० ॥

उपेत्य तुण्डीरमखण्डितोद्यमः प्रमथ्य चम्पप्रसुखान् रणोन्मुखान् ।
प्रशाधि काञ्चीमनुवर्तितप्रजः पतिर्निधीनामलकापुरीमिव ॥ ४१ ॥

अथाभिभूताखिलवन्यभूभृतस्तुरुष्कभङ्गस्तव नैव दुष्करः ।
निगीर्णशाखाशतसं(वृतः?हतिः) कथं तरुप्रकाण्डं न दहेद् दवानलः ॥४२॥

अनेन देशानधिकृत्य दक्षिणान् वितन्यते राक्षसराजदुर्नयः ।
स्वयापि लोकत्रयतापहारिणा विधीयतां राघवकर्म निर्मलम् ॥ ४३ ॥

इतीरयित्वा विरते नरेश्वरे प्रवृष्टपाथोधरसाम्यधारिणि ।
कृतप्रणामः शिरसा प्रतीष्टवान् गुरूपदेशं गुणिनां पुरस्सरः ॥ ४४ ॥

ततो महार्हैर्गुरुणा विभूषणैः प्रसाधितः स्वावयवावतारितैः ।
<error>परेऽहि</error><fix>परेऽह्नि</fix> निर्धारितजैत्रनिर्गमो <error>विजाधिवासं</error><fix>निजाधिवासं</fix> प्रमनाः समासदत् ॥ ४५ ॥

अथोरगाणामधिपाय भाविनं भुवो भरस्यापगमं दिनेश्वरः ।
निवेदयिष्यन्निव गाढरंहसा रथेन पातालगुहामगाहत ॥ ४६ ॥

अथ नृपसुतः सान्ध्यं निर्माय कर्म सभां गतः
क्षणमिव गुरोराज्ञां राज्ञां गणाय निवेद्य सः ।
विमतविजयव्यग्रोत्साहान् विहाय गृहाय ता-
नरमत सुखी शय्यागेहे सरोजमुखीसखः ॥ ४७ ॥

इति [श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि वीरकम्परायचरिते*]

तृतीयः सर्गः । अथ चतुर्थः सर्गः ।

अन्येद्युरथ राजीववनजीवनदायिनि ।
लोकैकदीपे भगवत्युदिते भानुमालिनि ॥ १ ॥

विहाय <error>विद्रां</error><fix>निद्रां</fix> विधिवन्निर्मिताहर्मुखक्रियः ।
आदिक्षत् पृतनाध्यक्षान् सेनासन्ननाय सः ॥ २ ॥

अथ मन्दरसंघट्टक्षोभिताम्भोधिमण्डलः ।
रराण कोणाभिहतो रणनिर्याणदुन्दुभिः ॥ ३ ॥

कल्पान्तोद्भ्रान्तचण्डीशडमरुध्वानडामरः ।
उदजृम्भत गम्भीरो वियदध्वनि तद्ध्वनिः ॥ ४ ॥

प्रायो भयद्रुतामित्रपदविध्वंसनोत्सुकः ।
स जगाहे <flag>प्रतिध्वाननिभादवनिभृद्गुहाः</flag> ॥ ५ ॥

तस्मिन् विसर्पति त्रासमीलिताशेषलोचनः ।
शेषो <flag>युगपदज्ञासीदान्ध्यवाधिर्ययोर्दशाम्</flag> ॥ ६ ॥

आबद्धकुथमातङ्गमात्तपर्याणसैन्धवम् ।
संवर्मितभटं सद्यः समनह्यत तद्बलम् ॥ ७ ॥

विशङ्कटकटाघाटविगलन्मदनिर्झराः ।
परश्शतं जघटिरे विकटाः करिणां घटाः ॥ ८ ॥

समीरणरयोदग्रा वल्गन्तः फेनिलैर्मुखैः ।
तुरङ्गाः सैन्यजलधेस्तरङ्गा इव रेजिरे ॥ ९ ॥
कृपाणकर्पणप्राप्तकुन्तकोदण्डपाणयः ।
समगच्छन्त सहसा नैकदेश्याः पदातयः ॥ १० ॥

प्रस्थानोचितमाकल्पं बिभ्राणा बाहुशालिनः ।
राजन्यास्तोरणाभ्यर्णे नृपालं प्रत्यपालयन् ॥ ११ ॥

सेनासरित्सिताम्भोजैर्जयश्रीकेलिदर्पणैः ।
अस्तावकाशमाकाशमातपत्रैरजायत ॥ १२ ॥

विजृम्भमाणे प्रस्थानशारदारम्भसंभ्रमे ।
नृपाणां चामरालीभिर्मरालीमिरभूयत ॥ १३ ॥

नृपमौलिमणिच्छायामञ्जरीपुञ्जरञ्जिताः ।
अत्याक्षुरौरसीं रक्तिं न जातु रविरश्मयः ॥ १४ ॥

उत्तुङ्गैर्ध्वजसंघातैर्निरुद्धे गगनाध्वनि ।
निनाय कृच्छ्रात् <flag>पातङ्ग</flag> शताङ्गं गरुडाग्रजः ॥ १५ ॥

पोषितो हयहेषाभिर्बृंहितो गजबृंहितैः ।
वर्धितस्तूर्यनिध्वानैः कोऽपि कोलाहलोऽभवत् ॥ १६ ॥

ततो धृतसमायोगः समयज्ञो महीपतिः ।
हितैः पुरोहितैर्यात्रामुहूर्तं प्रत्यवैक्षत ॥ १७ ॥

तमसूचयदाप्तेभ्यो दक्षिणं दक्षिणो भुजः ।
स्फुरितैर्भाविवीरश्रीपरिरम्भमहोत्सवम् ॥ २८ ॥

अथर्ववेदिनो विप्रास्तं विशेषैर्जयाशिषाम् ।
अवर्धयन् मन्त्रपूतैर्हविर्भिरिव पावकम् ॥ १९ ॥
अथ निर्गत्य भवनादवैक्ष्यत महीक्षिता ।
धारितस्तोरणाभ्यर्णे तुङ्गस्तुरगपुङ्गवः ॥ २० ॥

सपक्ष इव तार्क्ष्यस्य सजातिरिव चेतसः ।
सखेव गन्धवाहस्य संघात इव रंहसः ॥ २१ ॥

अपर्याप्तामतिक्रान्तचेतोवृत्ते: स्वरंहसः ।
विस्तारयन्निव महीं चटुलैः खुरघट्टनैः ॥ २२ ॥

जवाधरितजम्भारितुरङ्गभ्रमकारिणम् ।
मणिकुट्टिमसंक्रान्तमाक्रामन् बिम्बमात्मनः ॥ २३ ॥

लवणोदन्वदेकान्तलङ्घनामात्रगर्वितम् ।
हसन्निव हनूमन्तं हेषितैः फेनपाण्डरैः ॥ २४ ॥

मुखलीनखलीनाहिरच्छपल्ययनच्छदः ।
वपुषापि गरुत्मन्तमनुगन्तुमिवोत्सुकः ॥ २५ ॥

<flag>लोलवालाग्रलग्नेन</flag> सेव्यमानो नभस्वता ।
रंहोरहस्यशिक्षार्थं शिष्यतामिव जग्मुषा ॥ २६ ॥

मुहुः स्वजवसंरोधनमितोन्नमिताननः ।
नमस्कुर्वन्निव पुरोवर्तिनीं विजयश्रियम् ॥ २७ ॥

खुरधूतधराधूलिस्थलीकृतनभस्स्थलः ।
वारयन्निव रथ्यानां रवेः खेचरतामदम् ॥ २८ ॥

(नवभिः कुलकम् ।)

देहब(न्ध?द्ध)मिवोत्साहं तमारुह्य महीपतिः ।
अमंस्त पृथिवीं सर्वामात्मनो हस्तवर्तिनीम् ॥ २९ ॥
स तत्र तत्र संभूतैः सैन्यैः सङ्ख्यातिलङ्घिभिः ।
अन्तर्हिततदाभोगमत्यगाद् गृहगोपुरम् ॥ ३० ॥

तमञ्जलिभिरानम्रकिरीटतलकीलितैः ।
प्रणेमुर्धरणीपालास्तुरङ्गस्कन्धवर्तिनः ॥ ३१ ॥

आलोकशब्दमुखरैरस्याग्रे पादचारिभिः ।
चोलकेरलपाण्ड्याद्यैर्वेत्रित्वं प्रत्यपद्यत ॥ ३२ ॥

आचारलाजैः पौराणां पुरन्ध्र्यस्तमवाकिरन् ।
अम्भसां बिन्दुभिः <error>शुम्रेरभ्रमाला</error><fix>शुभ्रैरभ्रमाला</fix> इवाचलम् । ३३ ॥

अथ कम्पमहीपालः कम्पयन् द्विषतां मनः ।
<error>प्रातिष्टत</error> दिशं भेजे मलयाचलमुद्रिताम् ॥ ३४ ॥

स नयन् महतीं सेनां व्यरुचद् वीरकुञ्जरः ।
पयोदमालामाकर्षन् पौरस्त्य इव मारुतः ॥ ३५ ॥

रजोभिर्मुहुरु(द्भू?द्धू)तैर्लघूभवति भूभरे ।
कथञ्चित् पृतनाभारं चक्षमे फणिनां पतिः ॥ ३६ ॥

प्रतापादित्यकीर्तीन्दुयुगपद्ग्रासलालसः ।
परागः परभूपानामुपरागोऽभवन्नवः ॥ ३७ ॥

तस्य दिक्षु प्ररोहन्त्याः शतधा कीर्तिवीरुधः ।
विततान रजस्स्तोमः करीषनिकरभ्रमम् ॥ ३८ ॥

पांसुस्थगनलक्षेण पलायत रविः क्वचित् ।
भावियुद्धामरीभूतवीरोद्दलनशङ्कितः ॥ ३९ ॥
प्रायः स्वनाशमुत्प्रेक्ष्य भाविनं रेणुसंचयः <flag>।</flag>
रुरोध सिन्धुरेन्द्राणां <flag>मदधारासिरामुखम्</flag> ॥ ४० ॥

घर्मांशुकिरणग्रासात् परितप्त इवाधिकम् ।
अगाहत <flag>महाम्भोधीनवनीक्षोदसंचयः</flag> ॥ ४१ ॥

वितेनिरे करेणूनां <error>करशीकररणेवः</error><fix>करशीकररेणवः</fix> ।
घनस्य सेनारजसः करकाकारचातुरीम् ॥ ४२ ॥

ततः सेनागजेन्द्राणां कर्णतालानिलोद्धता ।
अवार्यत रजोराजिः करशीकरदुर्दिनैः ॥ ४३ ॥

अथ कल्पान्तसंभिन्नसप्ताम्भोनिधिसन्निभम् ।
क्रमात् प्रयातुमारेभे स्फारकोलाहलं बलम् ॥ ४४ ॥

तुरङ्गखुरकुद्दालदलितादपि भूतलात् ।
न पुनः पांसुरुत्तस्थौ महेभमदवृष्टिभिः ॥ ४५ ॥

तं तुङ्गभद्राकल्लोलशीकरासङ्गशीतलः ।
आनुकूल्येन यात्रार्थमाचकर्षेव मारुतः ॥ ४६ ॥

अथ लङ्घितकर्णाटः पञ्चषैरेव वासरैः ।
प्रापत् कम्पमहीपालः कण्टकाननपट्टणम् ॥ ४७ ॥

स तत्र दिवसान् कांश्चिदतिवाह्य महाबलः ।
अभिषेणयितुं चम्पमुपाक्रमत कालवित् ॥ ४८ ॥

प्रसृतैस्तच्चमूधूलिस्तोमैः क्षीरतरङ्गिणी ।
कीर्त्त्या चम्पक्षितीन्द्रस्य साकं कलुषतामगात् ॥ ४९ ॥
स दुग्धवाहिनीवीचिमारुताधूतशाखिनि ।
विरिञ्चिनगराभ्यर्णे न्यवेशयदनीकिनीम् ॥ ५० ॥

अथ सन्नद्धसैन्यस्तं न्यरुन्ध द्रमिडाधिपम् ।
घनीकृतहिमानीको हेमन्त इव भास्करम् ॥ ५१ ॥

संवर्तमारुताक्षिप्तसमुद्रद्वयसन्निभौ ।
व्यूहौ द्रमिडकर्णाटनाथयोः संनिपेततुः ॥ ५२ ॥

पादातप्राप्तपादातं हास्तिकाक्रान्तहास्तिकम् ।
आश्वीयमिलिताश्वीयमासीदायोधनं तयोः ॥ ५३ ॥

असह्यैस्तत्र वीराणां सिंहनादविजृम्भणैः ।
दिगन्तदन्तिनो मुक्तफीट्कारं मुमुहुर्मुहुः ॥ ५४ ॥

रजस्तमसि वीरास्त्रसङ्घसंघट्टनोत्थितैः ।
बभ्रे स्फुलिङ्गसंघातैः खद्योतनिवहद्युतिः ॥ ५५ ॥

संग्रामदेवतापाङ्गविभ्रमभ्रान्तिदायिनः ।
मिथो धनुर्धरैर्मुक्ताः पेतुः शातमुखाः शराः ॥ ५६ ॥

क्षतजार्द्राः प्रवीराणां प्रेङ्खन्त्यः खड्गलेखिकाः । जिघत्सतः कृतान्तस्य जिह्वा इव <error>विरोजिरे</error><fix>विरेजिरे</fix> ॥ ५७ ।

आस्त्रापगासु परितो निस्सृतासु सहस्रशः ।
भटानां भल्लनिर्लूनैरम्भोजायितमाननैः ॥ ५८ ॥

कृपाणकृत्तान् वेतण्डगुण्डादण्डानिवाभितः।
भुजङ्गशङ्किनो गृध्रा जगृहुर्भूभुजां भुजान् ॥ ५९ ॥
वेतण्डशुण्डाहर्म्याग्रमास्थिताः सचमत्क्रियम् ।
आद्रियन्त कबन्धानां (न?र)क्तं नक्तंचरस्त्रियः ॥ ६० ॥

वीराः कुञ्जरकुम्भेषु शायिनः शत्रुसायकैः ।
प्राबुध्यन्त सुरस्त्रीणां कुचकुम्भेषु तत्क्षणात् ॥ ६१ ॥

ततः कम्पनरेन्द्रस्य भटैर्भुजबलोत्कटः ।
पलायत पराभूता द्रमिडेन्द्रवरूथिनी ॥ ६२ ॥

उल्लङ्घ्योल्लङ्घ्य धावद्भिर्भीत्या भ्रंशितमायुधम् ।
प्रायः प्रथनसंन्यासे शपथः कैश्चिदादधे ॥ ६३ ॥

हतानुकारिणः केचित् क्षितौ निपतितास्ततः ।
क्रोष्टुर्भयेन धावन्तः कर्णाटान् पर्यहासयन् ॥ ६४ ॥

विक्षेप्तुं विस्मृतैश्चर्मफलकैर्निर्मितप्लवाः ।
मृषैव केचिदतरन् मृगतृष्णातरङ्गिणी: ॥ ६५ ॥

छायामेवात्मनः केचिद् धावन्तो भीतिभाविताः ।
अरातिशङ्कया कष्टं दष्टाङ्गुलि ववन्दिरे ॥ ६६ ॥

अथ तस्य पुरीमेव नीत्वा शिबिरतां नृपः ।
अचलं राजगम्भीरमरुन्ध द्विषदाश्रितम् ॥ ६७ ॥

तद्दुन्दुभिप्रतिध्वानमुखरैः कन्दरामुखैः ।
भयादमन्दमाक्रन्दमकार्षीदिव पर्वतः ॥ ६८ ॥

प्रवाताभिमुखाधूतैः पताकापाणिपल्लवैः ।
आरोहणाय राजेन्द्रमाजुहावेव भूधरः ॥ ६९ ॥
अथ <error>प्रववृत्ते</error> युद्धं सैन्ययोरुभयोरपि ।
पतदुत्पतदस्त्रांशुज्वलितोर्वीनभस्स्थलम् ॥ ७० ॥

भ्रश्यत्तालफलाकारैः प्राकाराद् बाणपातितैः । ।
रणश्रीकन्दुकभ्रान्तिर्विदधे वीरमूर्धभिः ॥ ७१ ॥

अग्रे निपेतुर्नृपतेर्ग्रावाणो यन्त्रविच्युताः ।
<error>दुर्गेणातरदानार्थं</error> दूताः संप्रेषिता इव ॥ ७२ ॥

धानुष्कमुक्तबाणाग्निज्वलितोर्ध्वगृहावलिः ।
विजयारात्रिकं तस्य मूर्ध्नेवाद्रिरधारयत् ॥ ७३ ॥

विन्यस्तकुन्तनिश्रेणीश्रेणिनिर्वीरपुङ्गवैः ।
आक्रान्तसालशृङ्गाग्रैरारुह्यत महीधरः ॥ ७४ ॥

अथोद्भटभटक्ष्वेडागलितभ्रूणगार्भिणम् ।
निहतास्रनदीमज्जज्जनताशास्यजीवितम् ॥ ७५ ॥

.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... ।
अलब्धनिर्गमं दुर्गमासीदेवमुपद्रुतम् ॥ ७६ ॥

(युग्मकम् ।)

निर्जगाम निजागाराच्चम्पक्ष्मापोऽपि कोपनः ।
कृपाणपाणिर्वल्मीकाज्जिह्वाल इव जिह्मगः ॥ ७७ ॥

अहंपूर्विकया वीरेष्वभितो युद्धकाङ्क्षिषु ।
प्रत्यग्रहीन्महीपालश्चम्पं सिंह इव द्विपम् ॥ ७८ ॥

तौ निकुञ्चितपूर्वाङ्गौ निश्चलाक्षौ कृपाणिनौ ।
उचितस्थानकावास्तां चित्रन्यस्ताविव क्षणम् ॥ ७९ ॥
कक्ष्याविभक्तवपुषोश्चारीभिश्चरतोस्तयोः ।
पश्यद्भिः सौष्ठवं देवैरनिमेषत्वमादृतम् ॥ ८० ॥

अन्तर्बिम्बितचम्पेन्द्रा कम्पेन्द्रस्यासिपुत्रिका ।
अप्सरोभ्यः पतिं दातुमन्तर्वत्नी किलाभवत् ॥ ८१ ॥

अथ वञ्चित[तत् ]खड्गप्रहारः कम्पभूपतिः ।
अकरोदसिना चम्पममरेन्द्रपुरातिथिम् ॥ ८२ ॥

इत्थं सङ्गरमूर्ध्नि चम्पनृपतिं नीत्वा कथाशेषतां
श्रीमान् कम्पनृपेश्वरो जनयितुः संप्राप्तवाञ्छासनम् ।
काञ्चीन्यस्तजयप्रशस्तिरमिथस्संकीर्णवर्णाश्रमं
नीत्या नित्यनिरत्ययर्द्धिरशिषत् तुण्डीरभूमण्डलम् ॥ ८३ ॥

इति [श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि वीर*]कम्परायचरिते

चतुर्थः सर्गः । अथ पञ्चमः सर्गः ।

अथ स तत्र महीतलमण्डने मरतकाह्वयभाजि महापुरे ।
विरचितस्थितिरप्रतिशासनं जगदशेषमरक्षदनाकुलम् ॥ १ ॥

अरिबलापहमाश्रितनन्दनं सुमनसां मनसः प्रियदायिनम् ।
वसुमतीमवतीर्णमिवापरं हरिममंसत तं सततं प्रजाः ॥ २ ॥

प्रथितशक्तिरवाप्तफलोदयः प्रगुणयन् पणबन्धमुखान् गुणान् ।
निपुणधीर्निरपायमुपायवित् प्रभुरभुङ्क्त नवां नयसंपदम् ॥ ३ ॥

असुहृदां सुहृदामिव मण्डलेष्वजनि तेन न किञ्चिदलक्षितम् ।
प्रहितचारगणेन विवस्वता प्रसृतदीधितिना भुवनेष्विव ॥ ४ ॥

करपरिग्रहमाचरति प्रभौ मृदुतरं मुदितप्रकृतिर्मही ।
विविधसस्यविशेषनिरन्तरा पुलकितेव भृशं समलक्ष्यत ॥ ५ ॥

द्रढिमशालिनि भोगमनोहरे कटकधारिणि दानगुणो[र्जिते*]।
नृपतिदोष्णि निवासमुपेत्य <error>भूरलघयत्</error><fix>भूरलंघयत्</fix> प्रथमास्पदगौरवम् ॥ ६ ॥

नरपतेः प्रतिहारमहीं मुहुर्विजयदन्तिमदोदकपङ्किलाम् ।
क्षितिभुजां भुजभूषणघट्टनप्रसृमरो मणिरेणुरशोषयत् ॥ ७ ॥

अहरहर्नृपतेः पदपीठिकातटसमुल्लिखितैरलिकस्थलैः ।
<error>पुनरिवार्पितभाग्यमयाक्षरै रजनि</error><fix>पुनरिवार्पितभाग्यमयाक्षरैरजनि</fix> <flag>वैरमृचामवनीभुजाम्</flag> ॥ ८ ॥

मगधमालवसे(म?वु)णसिंहलद्रमिलकेरलगौ(ल?ड)मुखैर्नृपैः ।
अवसराप्तिपरैरनुवासरं रुरुधिरे प्रतिहारभुवः प्रभोः ॥ ९ ॥
परिसरद्वयचामरधारिणीकनककङ्कणरिङ्खणनिस्वनः ।
अशमयन्नृपतेर्बिरुदावलीमुखरमागधमण्डलवैखरीम्  ॥ १० ॥

चतुरचङ्क्रमचारुसरस्वतीचरणनूपुरशिञ्जितमञ्जुलैः ।
भृशमरज्यत कम्पमहीपतिः सदसि सत्कविसूक्तिसुधारसैः ॥ ११ ॥

तरलताङ्गुलिताडितवल्लकीनिरतताननिरन्तरितैः स्वरैः ।
जगुरमुष्य जगत्प्रथितं यशो गमकभङ्गितरङ्गितमङ्गनाः ॥ १२ ॥

उचिततालमुदञ्चितविभ्रमं चतुरचारिचमत्कृतसौष्ठवम् ।
मुहुरसाववरोधमृगीदृशां मुखरसोज्ज्वलमैक्षत नर्तनम् ॥ १३ ॥

हततरक्षु परिक्षतसैरिभं मृदितरङ्कु निषूदितसूकरम ।
ग्लपितखड्गि गृहीतमतङ्गजं वनमसौ मृगयासु मुहुर्व्यधात् ॥ १४ ॥

अथ सुगन्धिहिमान् व्यजनानिलान् मृगदृशः कृतचन्दनचर्चिकाः ।
शशिमतीश्च निशाः प्रियतां नयन् नरपतेरुदभूद् ऋतुरूष्मलः ॥ १५ ॥

विकचपाटलगन्धिसमीरणैः सलिलकेलिपरायणयौवतैः ।
रजनिदैर्घ्यहरैरधिकोल्लसद्रविमहोभिरहोभिरभूयत ॥ १६ ॥

नियतिनिर्मितदक्षिणदिग्वधूविरहतापनिवारणवाञ्छया
अहिमभानुरहन्यहनि ध्रुवं हरितमाप हिमाचलशीतलाम् ॥ १७ ॥

परुषतापविशेषपरिस्खलद्रथतुरङ्गममन्दगताविव ।
अहिमधाम्नि रथाङ्गसुखावहामहरगा[हत दै*]र्घ्यवतीं दशाम् ॥ १८ ॥

सरसचन्दनधारिषु मौक्तिकत्रिसरनिर्झरहारिषु सुभ्रुवाम् ।
कुचतटेषु निदाघनिपीडितो धृतिमधात् कुसुमायुधकुञ्जरः ॥ १९ ॥
सलिलकेलिकुतूहलकुन्तलीकुचतटाहतिजातभयैरिव ।
अपसृतैरजनि प्रतिवासरं नृपतिगेहविहारसरोजलैः ॥ २० ॥

प्रचुरघर्मपयः कणजालिकागुणितमौक्तिकमण्डनशालिभिः ।
नवशिरीषवतंसमनोहरैः सुवदना वदनैस्तममोदयन् ॥ २१ ॥

दिनविरामविकस्वरमल्लिकाकुसुमसौरभहारिषु सुभ्रुवाम् ।
कचभरेषु निवेशयतो मुखं नरपतेर्न वितृष्णमभून्मनः ॥ २२ ॥

हिमगृहेषु निरन्तरशीकरप्रकरदर्शिततारकपङ्क्तिषु ।
दिवसतापमहापयदायतं वरवधूसहितो वसुधाधिपः ॥ २३ ॥

अथ दलन्निचुलद्रुममञ्जरीनिचयदर्शितचामरविभ्रमः ।
कृतनुतिः किल चातकयाचकैर्नृपतिमन्वगमज्जलदागमः ॥ २४ ॥

तत इतो विहरत्तटिदङ्गनाललितलास्यहरिन्मणिमण्डपैः ।
पटुमृदङ्गरवोपमगर्जितैर्निबिडमाविरभूयत वारिदैः ॥ २५ ॥

स्फुटतटित्तपनीयगुणोज्ज्वलैः पृथुपयः कणमौक्तिकसङ्गिभिः ।
अलिकदम्बकसच्छविभिर्दिशामसितकञ्चुलिकायितमम्बुदैः ॥ २६ ॥

हरितलोहितपाण्डुरराजत त्रिदशराजशरासनलेखिका ।
मरतकोपलविद्रुममौक्तिकैर्विरचिता रशनेव नभश्श्रियः ॥ २७ ॥

रुधिरबिन्दुनिभच्छविरन्वगात् क्षितितले हरिगोपपरम्परा ।
<flag>घनघरट्टपरस्परघट्टनक्षरतिरम्मदवह्निकणावलिम्</flag> ॥ २८ ॥

पटुपुरः पवनाधिगतभ्रमा जलमुचः करकोपलकैतवात् ।
सलिलराशिपयस्सहचूषितामुदवमन्निव मौक्तिकसंहतिम् ॥ २९ ॥
अभिमते सति वारिधरोदये मधुरषड्जमनोहरगीतिभिः ।
गिरितटीपु मुहुः परिमण्डलीकृतकलापमनर्ति शिखण्डिभिः ॥ ३० ॥

पटुतटिद्गणकोणहताः पुरो रतिपतेः पटहा इव <error>दिव्यका</error><fix>दिव्यकाः</fix> ।
निशमिताः स्फुटसाहसमध्वगैर्जलधरा वियदध्वनि दध्वनुः ॥ ३१ ॥

दलितकन्दलमुच्छ्वसदर्जुनं स्फुटकदम्बमुदञ्चितकैतकम् ।
मुदितचातकमुन्मुखबर्हिणं कतिचिदास दिनानि वनान्तरम् ॥ ३२ ॥

करतलैरिव गन्धवहैर्घनाः प्रहितकैतकपांसुविभूतयः ।
स्तनितहुंकृतिभिर्निरकासयन् नृपतियौवतमानमहाग्रहम् ॥ ३३ ॥

<error>चलितबर्हिणचन्द्रक्रचित्रितैः</error><fix>चलितबर्हिणचन्द्रकचित्रितैः</fix> सुरभिगन्धिशिलामदशालिभिः ।
विकचनीपवनैर्नृपतेर्मनो <error>मुहरहारि</error><fix>मुहुरहारि</fix> विहारमहीधरैः ॥ ३४ ॥

तमहरन्नहरत्ययमालतीकुसुमदन्तुरकुन्तलकान्तयः ।
परिहितागरुधूपितवाससः सुतनवो मृगनाभिसुगन्धयः ॥ ३५ ॥

मणिमयानि गृहाणि समीरणाः कुटजकैतकसौरभवाहिनः ।
मदकलाश्च गिरः प्रचलाकिनां क्षितिपतेः स्मरदीपकतां ययुः ॥ ६६ ॥

नववधूपरिरम्भणदोहलान्यनुपदं निनदैः प्रतिपादयन् ।
अलभत क्षणदासु घनागमो नरपतेः किल नर्मसुहृत्पदम् ॥ ३७ ॥

तदनु पद्मवनीपरिहासकस्त्रिदशनाथशरासनतस्करः ।
भुजगभुङ्मुखमुद्रणभौरिकः समुदभूत् समयो जलदात्ययः ॥ ३८ ॥

विधुतकाशसटाभरभासुरः प्रकटितोरुजपारुणलोचनः ।
व्यघटयद् घनदन्तिघटाः स्फुरद्रविमुखः शरदागमकेसरी ॥ ३९ ॥
अवितथं रजनीदिवसाधिपो मधुरिपोर्नयने इति भाषितम् ।
स्फुटममुष्य यतः स्वपनात्ययादजनि तादृशमुन्मिषितं तयोः ॥ ४० ॥

कलशजस्य मुनेरुदयाज्जहुः कलुषतां सलिलानि महौजसः ।
सदुपदेशवशादिव शासितुस्तनुभृतां हृदयानि दयानि दयानिधेः ॥ ४१ ॥

विशदशारदनीरशारितं वियदलक्ष्यत वीततटिद्गणम् ।
प्रकटफेनकदम्बककर्बुरं जलमिवाम्बुनिधेर्गतविद्रुमम् ॥ ४२ ॥

नियतमम्बुदशाणनिघर्षणादतिमहस्कमहस्करमण्डलम् ।
अजनि वर्षविधोरपि वार्षिकैर्जलधरैः परिधौतमिवोज्ज्वलम् ॥ ४३ ॥

जलदकालकलिस्फुरितां शनैः कलुषतां प्रशमय्य कृशाः पुनः ।
<error>घठयति</error><fix>घटयति</fix> स्म शरत् तटिनीसखीरुपनतैः कलहंसविलासिभिः ॥ ४४ ॥

सरसिजाकरसञ्चरदिन्दिराचरणहंसकनिक्वणमन्थरः ।
मदनमङ्गलतूर्यरवोऽभवन्मदकलः कलहंसकुलध्वनिः ॥ ४५ ॥

विकचपद्मविलोचनमात्मनो मुखमवेक्षितुमात्तकुतूहला ।
नियतमभ्रनिचोलकगर्भतः शरदकर्षदहर्पतिदर्पणम् ॥ ४६ ॥

विलसदुत्पललोचनशालिनीः स्फुरितचन्द्रमुखीः कुमुदस्मिताः ।
नरपतिः स्फुटतारकहारिणीर्निरविशद् दयिता इव यामिनीः ॥ ४७ ॥

परिणतेक्षुपरिच्युतमौक्तिकग्रथितहारमनोहरमूर्तिभिः । विशदमस्य यशो नृपतेः कलं कलमगोपवधूमिरगीयत ॥ ४८

दलदयुग्मदलोदरसौरभप्रसरपक्ष्मलिता वनवायवः ।
मुहुरधःकृतयन्तृनिवारणानकृषत क्षितिभृन्मदवारणान् ॥ ४९ ॥
वनभुवः परितः पवनेरितैर्नवजपाकुसुमैः कृतदीपिकाः ।
प्रथममेव नृपस्य निदेशतो विजयिनस्तुरगान् निरराजयन् ॥ ५० ॥

अथ नृपस्य समुत्सुकचेतसो [मदन*]केलिकलासु विलासिनः ।
<error>प्रियमिवा[चरितुं*] समुपागमत्</error><fix>प्रियमिवा[चरितुं*]समुपागमत्</fix> प्रणदयन् (?) क्षणदास्तुहिनागमः ॥ ५१ ॥

हिमभरैर्विहतः कमलाकरो मृदितकान्तिरभून्मृगलाञ्छनः ।
वदनमेव नरेन्द्रनतभ्रुवामभजत श्रियमप्रतिशासनाम् ॥ ५२ ॥

पुलककञ्चुकितैः कुचमण्डलैः स्फुरितसीत्कृतिभिश्च मुखेन्दुभिः ।
अविरतं स्मरतन्त्रमिवान्वभूदवनिपालविलासवतीजनः ॥ ५३ ॥

विकचकुन्दकलापपरिष्क्रियाविरचितालकजालकविभ्रमम् ।
असमयेऽपि समौक्तिकमण्डनं प्रभुरमंस्त निजं प्रमदाजनम् ॥ ५४ ॥

बहलकुङ्कुमपङ्कविलेपनपसृमरोष्मपयोधरमण्डलैः ।
अरमताविरतं <error>रमणीजनैरगरुगान्धिषु</error><fix>रमणीजनैरगरुगन्धिषु</fix> गर्भगृहेषु सः ॥ ५५ ॥

इति सुखान्युचितानि हिमागमे समनुभूय मनोभवसन्निभः ।
शिशिरयामवतीष्वपि रागवान् रमयितुं रमणीरुदयुङ्क्त सः ॥ ५६ ॥

शबलितान्यलिकागरुबिन्दुभिश्चलदृशां रतिविभ्रमसूचकैः ।
नवलवङ्गतरुप्रसवास्तृतान्यभजतानुनिशं शयितानि सः ॥ ५७ ॥

परिलसन्नवलोध्ररजोभरच्छुरणपाण्डरगण्डतलैर्मुखैः ।
मृगमदद्रवचारुविशेषकैर्मृगदृशो नृपतेरहरन् मनः ॥ ५८ ॥

अपदिशञ्छिशिरानिलमङ्गकैः पुलकितैर्नृपतेः सविधं गतः ।
मदनसंभृतघर्मपयः कर्णैर्भृशमलज्जत मुग्धवधूजनः ॥ ५९ ॥
द्विगुणयन्नधरव्रणवेदनां <error>कुतकचग्रहणैः</error><fix>कृतकचग्रहणैः</fix> परिचुम्बनैः ।
<error>कपठरोषकषायितलोचनं</error><fix>कपटरोषकषायितलोचनं</fix> निभृतहासमवैक्ष्यत <error>यौवतेः</error><fix>यौवतैः</fix> ॥ ६० ॥

विकलकञ्चुकलक्ष्यन(व?ख)व्रणं विगतमौक्तिकहारमनोहरम् ।
तरुणिमोष्मनखम्पचमङ्गनास्तनयुगं हिमहारि विभोरभूत् ॥ ६१ ॥

उपहरन् कुसुमानि महीरुहां किसलयैः कलिताञ्जलिबन्धनः ।
मधुरकोकिलकूजितभाषितो मधुरथैनमुपासितुमासदत् ॥ ६२ ॥

मधुसुगन्धि रजः सहकारजं मलयशैलसमीरणमान्त्रिकाः ।
प्रणयरोषपराङ्मुखमानिनीहृदयसंवननार्थमिवाकिरन् ॥ ६३ ॥

उपवनेष्वगमन्नुपमेयतां स्फुटरुचो नवकिंशुककुट्मलाः ।
मथितपान्थमृगक्षतजारुणैर्मदनकेसरिणः कुटिलैर्नखैः ॥ ६४ ॥

चटुलषट्पदकज्जलपातिनी विरुरुचे नवचम्पकमञ्जरी ।
प्रकटितेव हिमापगमश्रिया स्मरमहोत्सवदीपपरम्परा ॥ ६५ ॥

मधुनि मुग्धदृशां मुखसंस्तवात् तदनुषङ्गितया बकुलेषु च ।
मरुति चैतदनुक्षण[सौहृ*]दात् समुचितोऽजनि सौरभसङ्क्रमः ॥ ६६ ॥

क्वणितनूपुरकुन्तलकामिनीचरणपङ्कजसङ्गवशादिव ।
मुखरभृङ्गमशोकमहीरुहैस्तदनुरूपमधार्यत पल्लवम् ॥ ६७ ॥

वरवधूपरिरम्भरसोल्लसल्ललितकुट्मलकण्टकिताकृतिः ।
कुरवकः कुसुमेषुमचेतनेष्वपि विशृङ्खलवृत्तिमसूचयत् ॥ ६८ ॥

पथिक[सार्थ*]पराक्रमणोत्सुकप्रसवकार्मुककाहलनिस्वनः ।
मधुरपञ्चमरागरसाञ्चितो जगदरञ्जयदन्यभृतध्वनिः ॥ ६९ ॥
अधिगताभिनवार्तवसम्पदः स्तबकसंजनितस्तनविभ्रमाः ।
भ्रमरकामुकसंवननक्षमा वनलता ललितां दधिरे दशाम् ॥ ७० ॥

सुतनवः फलकेषु मधूत्सवे रतिपतिं परिलेखितुमुद्यताः ।
हृदयगोचरतामनिशं गतं हरिहरात्मजमेव समालिखन् ॥ ७१ ॥

<error>[म*]दनबेरनि (भां?भं)निभृतं</error><fix>[म*]दनबेरनि(भां?भं) निभृतं</fix> पुरः क्षितिपतिं कृतचन्दनचर्चिकाः ।
अधिकघर्मपयोभिरवागमन् मृगदृशो विकसत्पुलकैः करैः ॥ ७२ ॥

मुखरकङ्कणमाकुलमेखलं चलितहारलतं लुलितालकम् ।
अविगतश्रममस्य वधूजनो रतिविशेषमशिक्षत डोलया ॥ ७३ ॥

उचितरागविशेषमनोहरे रतिपतेरुपगानविधौ स्त्रियः ।
नृपतिगोत्रकृतस्स्खलना ययुः प्रियसखीसविधेषु विलक्षताम् ॥ ७४ ॥

क्षितिपतिं किल कुङ्कुममुष्टिना समभिताडयितुं धियमादधौ ।
सपदि धर्मनयःप्रसरेण तं विगलितं न विवेद वधूजनः ॥ ७५ ॥

इति समुपचिताभिश्चातुरीभिर्विशेषान्
ऋतुषु समुपलभ्यान् निर्विशन् निर्विशङ्कम् ।
सुतनुभिरवियोगोत्कण्ठिताभिस्तृतीयं
व्यतनुत पुरुषार्थं कम्पराजः कृतार्थम् ॥ ७६ ॥

इतिं [श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि <error>वीर*] कम्परायचरिते</error><fix>वीर*]कम्परायचरिते</fix>

पञ्चमः सर्गः अथ षष्ठः सर्गः ।

अथ वरतनुभिः समं कदाचिद् विरचयितुं कसुमापचायलीलाम् ।
प्रमदवनममर्त्यकामिनीभिर्हरिरिवि नन्दनमासन्नरेन्द्रः ॥ १ ॥

मुखरितमणिमेखलाकलापाः प्रचलितमन्वचलंस्तमायताक्ष्यः ।
उपवनलतिका इवोपगीतभ्रमरकुला मलयाद्रिगन्धवाहम् ॥ २ ॥

परिवहदनुरागपूरकल्पः पदगलितैरथ यावकैर्वधूनाम् ।
सरणिररुणतामतीव नीता समजनि नृतनपल्लवास्तृतेव ॥ ३ ॥

विविधविलसितैर्विलासिनीनामसितसितारुणकान्तिभिः कटाक्षैः ।
कुवलयकुमुदारविन्दमालाखचितमिवामलमम्बरं बभासे ॥ ४ ॥

अजनयदवनीश्वरस्य चेतस्यसितदृशां मणिनूपुरप्रणादः ।
सहपरिचलितप्रसूनकेतोरवनमदैक्षवचापघोषशङ्काम् ॥ ५॥

अवनिपतिमनुप्रतस्थुषीणां हरिणदृशामितरेतरप्रसक्ताः ।
मधुरसमधुरा गिरस्तदानीं बहुविधभङ्गितरङ्गिता बभूवुः ॥ ६ ॥

वरतनु ! परतः प्रयाहि मन्दं हरिणदृशां पुरतः प्रयायिनीनाम् ।
पथि गतिरयशीर्णहारमुक्तामणिगणशर्करिले पदं न कुर्याः ॥ ७ ॥

नलिनमुखि ! न बोधय प्रसुप्तानिह मणिनूपुरशिञ्जितेन हंसान् ।
द्रुतगमनविघातमाचरेयुर्नियतममी तव पादपद्मलग्नाः ॥ ८ ॥

करनखरमरीचिमञ्जरीभिर्हतहृदयो जलशङ्कया कुरङ्गः ।
अनुपतति विलोकयैकवारं सखि ! नियतं स निवर्तते विलक्षः ॥ ९ ॥
शशिमुखि ! शशिकान्तकुट्टिमेषु स्खलनभिया न पदात् पदं प्रयासि ।
इयमिह वदनानुबिम्बराजिस्तव न पुनर्नवपङ्कजोपहारः ॥ १० ॥

किमिति मृदुपदं प्रयासि मुग्धे ! ननु कितवः सह याति कामिनीभिः ।
नवकुसुमरजोन्धकारबन्धैरभिसरणार्हमिदं वनं दिवापि ॥ ११ ॥

अथ विदितमियं द्रुता गतिस्ते मुखमवलोकयितुं निवृत्य भर्तुः ।
न किमलमपराङ्गमेव तावद् दयिततमस्य मृगीदृशां मनांसि ॥ १२ ॥

स्तनजघनभरं तवालि ! जाने तदपि गतिस्त्वरया त्वया विधेया ।
न कलयसि निरन्तरं निषेव्या युवतिजनैर्बहु* .... .... .... .... ॥ १३ ॥

.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... पतन्ति ।
मदनसुभटवारणास्त्रशङ्कां मनसि चकार चकोरलोचनानाम् ॥ ५५ ॥

करयुगकलितप्लवः प्रियाणां परिचलितोरुनितम्बमण्डलानाम् ।
...... ....नच्छलादकार्षीत् सुरतगुरुः पुरुषायितोपदेशम् ॥ ५६ ॥

<error>अवनिपतिरसि(ञ्च?क्त) दीर्घिकाया</error><fix>अवनिपतिरसि(ञ्च?क्त)दीर्घिकाया</fix> मुखकमलं सलिलेन साभिलाषम् ।
किमपि <error>सधिकार्द्रपक्ष्मलेखं</error><fix>समधिकार्द्रपक्ष्मलेखं</fix> वदनमभूदरुणेक्षणं परस्याः ॥ ५७ ॥

प्रणयिनि सलिलापवारितेन स्पृशति करेण सलीलमूरुमूलम् ।
प्रकटितशफराभिघातमी(तं?ति)र्मिषति जनेऽप्यमुमालिलिङ्ग काचित् ॥ ५८ ॥

सलिलहतिभियापवृत्तगात्रया: प्रचलित वेण्यपराङ्गकं परस्याः ।
धरणिपतिरमंस्त मीनकेतोः फलकमुपाहितखड्गवल्लरीकम् ॥ ५९ ॥
चरणविलुठितो विलङ्घितोरुः परिगतनीविरवाप्तनाभिचक्रः ।
स्तनतटलुलितः क्रमेण तासां मुखशशिबिम्बमचुम्बदम्बुपूरः ॥ ६० ॥

विशदनखपदं वपुः सपत्न्या....नव पश्यति निर्निमेषमस्मिन् ।
व्यधित विहृतिकैतवेन काचित् प्रहितजला परिमीलिताक्षमेनम् ॥ ६१ ॥

विशदमधरमक्ष्यनञ्जनाभं विगतललाम वितन्वती ललाटम् ।
रतिरिव जलकेलिरङ्गनानामवनिपतेः स्पृहणीयतामयासीत् ॥ ६२ ॥

<error>परिमुषितपटीरलेपनेप्व[*प्य]विरललग्नसरोजकेसरेषु</error><fix>परिमुषितपटीरलेपनेष्व[*ष्य]विरललग्नसरोजकेसरेषु</fix> ।
कुचकलशतटेषु कुन्तलीनां नखरपदानि न लक्षितान्यभूवन् ॥ ६३ ॥

विहृतिरयपरिच्युतान् वतंसानसितदृशामनुदद् बहिः प्रवाहः ।
नहि जडिमसमन्वितोऽपि कोऽपि श्रुतिविषयात् पतितैः करोति मैत्रीम् ॥

अपि दयिततमेन वारिताभिर्गृहसरसो विजहे न वारि ताभिः ।
परिलुलितललामचर्चिकाभिर्विहृतिरसान्महिलामचर्चिकाभिः ॥ ६५ ॥

अथ विहरणखेदमन्थराभिः सह निरगात् सरसो नृपः प्रियाभिः ।
कलशजलनिधेरिवाप्सरोभिर्विबुधतरुर्मथनश्रमालसाभिः ॥ ६६ ॥

स्फुटनखरदनाङ्गमङ्गनानां परिलगदार्द्रदुकूलदर्शितोरु ।
वपुरनुकलमैक्षत क्षितीशो जलकणदन्तुरदीर्घकुन्तलाग्रम् ॥ ६७ ॥

चिकुरनियमनेषु कामिनीनामभिनववस्त्रपरिग्रहान्तरेषु ।
अभिमतपददर्शनैरयत्नैरतिमदनं स्वममंस्त कम्पराजः ॥ ६८ ॥
ततः सैरन्ध्रीभिः कृतसमुचिताकल्परचनः
पुरन्ध्रीभिः सार्धं समधिगतशुद्धान्तवसतिः ।
त्रयीगीतं तेजस्त्रिपुरहरमाराध्य विधिवद्
यथार्हैर्व्यापारैर्नरपतिरहश्शेषमनयत् ॥ ६९ ॥

इति [श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि वीर*]कम्परायचरिते

षष्ठः सर्गः । अथ सप्तमः सर्गः । ।

अथ कम्पनरेन्द्रसुभ्रुवां मुखपद्मान्यनुहार्य पङ्कजैः ।
अपराधभियेव भानुमानपरक्ष्माधरकन्दरामगात् ॥ १ ॥

परिचूषितदीप्तिरम्बुजैः पुनरूष्माणमिवाप्तुमौर्वतः ।
रयवल्गितवाहनो रविः पयसां राशिमवाप पश्चिमम् ॥ २ ॥

अपसर्पणसंभ्रमच्युतं दिनलक्ष्म्यास्तपनीयकुण्डलम् ।
रविमण्डलमाशशङ्किरे वरुणान्तःपुरवामलोचनाः ॥ ३ ॥

तरणेररुणीकृताः करैर्वरुणस्त्रैणकपोलभित्तयः ।
मदलोहिनिकामुपावहन् मदिरास्वादनमन्तराप्यहो ॥ ४ ॥

कमलोदरसंभृतं करैर्मधु पीत्वा रविरुज्झिताम्बरः ।
स्पृशति स्म दिशं प्रचेतसो न मदः कस्य विकारकारणम् ॥ ५ ॥

प्रथमां हरितं प्रभाकरो विरहय्यात्मनि तापमाप यम् ।
अपरामुपगम्य तं जहौ हृदयं कः खलु वेत्ति <error>गगिणाम्</error><fix>रागिणाम्</fix> ॥ ६ ॥

परलोकपथं प्रपेदुषः पुनरावृत्तिमपेक्ष्य भास्वतः ।
मुकुलीभवदम्बुजच्छलादकरोदञ्जलिबन्धमब्जिनी ॥ ७ ॥

प्रतिबिम्बपरम्पराम्बुधौ पवनोद्धूततरङ्गसङ्गिनी ।
नभसोऽवतरिष्यतो रवेर्मणिसोपानधियं व्यभावयत् ॥ ८ ॥

चरमाम्बुधिवीचिचुम्बितप्रतिबिम्बाश्रयि मण्डलं रवेः ।
दिवसान्तनटस्य धूर्जटेर्विदधे काञ्चनतालविभ्रमम् ॥ ९ ॥
चलचञ्चुपतद्बिसाङ्कुरैर्दिननाथार्पितदीनदृष्टिभिः ।
रजनीविरहव्यथातुरैरथ चक्राह्वयुगैरभूयत ॥ १० ॥

उदधौ पतितस्य भास्वतः कतिभिश्चित् किरणैः खवर्तिभिः ।
उदपाद्यत कालकुञ्जरोद्दलिताहर्द्रुमशाखिकाभ्रमः ॥ ११ ॥

<flag>पतयालुपतङ्गमण्डलक्षरदंशूत्कररञ्जिताकृतिः</flag> ।
मधुकैटभरक्तलोहितामुदधिः प्राप पुरातनीं दशाम् ॥ १२ ॥

<flag>गतदीप्ति</flag> गभस्तिमालिनो विलुठ[द् वीचिषु बिम्ब*]मम्बुधेः ।
शफराः फलखण्डशङ्कया रसनाभिर्लिलिहुर्मुहुर्मुहुः ॥ १३ ॥

स्खलितातपलेशमायतैर्विटपिच्छायशतैर्वृतं जगत् ।
भयविद्रवदर्कसैनिकं तिमिरैः कान्तमिवैक्ष्यत क्षणम् ॥ १४ ॥

प्रवसन् दिवसात्यये न्यधादुभयेषूभयमुष्णदीधितिः ।
हृदयेषु वियोगियोषितां परितापं त्विषमोषधीषु च ॥ १५ ॥

खगमेकमवेक्ष्य तादृशं पतितं विष्णुपदातिलङ्घनात् ।
निभृतं चकिता इवाखिलास्तरुनीडेषु विलिल्यिरे खगाः ॥ १६ ॥

घटमानदलाररीपुटं नलिनं मन्दिरमिन्दिरास्पदम् ।
परिपालयति स्म निक्वणन् परितो यामिकवन्मधुव्रतः ॥ १७ ॥

अधिपङ्कजकोशमादधे बहिरालीनमधुव्रतच्छलात् ।
मधुसौरभरक्षणोत्सुका दिनलक्ष्मीरिव लक्ष्म जातुषम् ॥ १८ ॥

दिनवेषमपास्य यामिनीवपुषा कालनटस्य नृत्यतः ।
ददृशे जगता पितृप्रसूर्दिवि नेपथ्यपटीव पाटला ॥ १९ ॥
रविरथ्यखुरोत्थितापरक्षितिभृद्गैरिकरेणुशोणया ।
क्षणमेकमकारि सन्ध्यया <error>वरुणाशारुणकञ्ङुकभ्रमः</error><fix>वरुणाशारुणकञ्चुकभ्रमः</fix> ॥ २० ॥

वियति व्यरुचन् पयोधराः स्फुटसन्ध्यापरिपाटलत्विषः ।
अचिरावतराद्विभावरीपदलाक्षापटलानुकारिणः ॥ २१ ॥

नवपल्लवकोमलच्छविर्दिवि सान्ध्यो ददृशे महोभरः ।
(विनि?रवि)पातरयात् समुत्थितश्चरमाब्धेरिव विद्रुमोत्करः ॥ २२ ॥

उदियाय ततो दिगङ्गनाश्रवणाकल्पतमालपल्लवः ।
रजनीमुखपत्रलेखिकारचनारङ्कुमदस्तमोङ्कुरः ॥ २३ ॥

किमु धूमभरः प्रशाम्यतो द्युमणिग्रावगतस्य तेजसः ।
प्रससार दिशस्तमोमिषात् किमु मीलत्कमलालिसञ्चयः ॥ २४ ॥

हलिहेतिदलत्कलिन्दजालहरीकन्दलकालिमद्रुहः ।
परितस्तरुरम्बरस्थलीं परितः स्थूलतमास्तमोभराः ॥ १५ ॥

नयनानि जनस्य तत्क्षणान्निरुणद्धि स्म निरन्तरं तमः ।
रविदीपभृताभ्रकर्परच्युतकालाञ्जनपुञ्जमेचकम् ॥ २६ ॥

तदमंसत मांसलं तमस्तनुतारागणबिन्दुजालकम् ।
दिवसात्ययचण्डताण्डवच्युतमीशस्य गजाजिनं जनाः ॥ २७ ॥

तिमि.... .... ....<flag>रोपमैस्तरलाभैरुदभावि</flag> तारकैः ।
परुषातपतापितात्मनो गगनस्येव निदाघबिन्दुभिः ॥ २८ ॥

अवपत् किमु कालकर्षकस्तिमिराम्भःकलुषे नभस्तले ।
<error>विमलामुडुबीचमण्डलीं</error><fix>विमलामुडुबीजमण्डलीं</fix> नवचन्द्रातपसस्यसिद्धये ॥ २९ ॥
अहरत्ययरागपल्लवस्तमसा कन्दलितो नभस्तरुः ।
सृजति स्म निरन्तरं हरिद्विटपैस्तारक कोरकावलिम् ॥ ३० ॥

अगमन्नभिसारिकाः प्रियाननुरागाञ्जनरञ्जितेक्षणाः ।
अभिनत्तिमिरेऽपि ताः <error>पुनःश्वसितेनैव</error><fix>पुनः श्वसितेनैव</fix> सुगन्धिना जनः ॥ ३१ ॥

जननीमुपलभ्य यामिनीमधिकस्नेहदशाभिवर्धिताः।
दिवसस्य लयं प्रपेदुषो गृहदीपा मुहुरर्भका इव ॥ ३२ ॥

उडुपुष्पकरम्बितं तमःकचभारं दधती निशीथिनी ।
अचिरादियमन्वपालयत् कुमुदस्मेरमुखी निशाकरम् ॥ ३३ ॥

तदनु क्षणदागमोल्लसत्कलशाम्भोनिधिवीचिरोचिषः ।
व्यरुचन् कतिचित् कराकुराः शशिनः शातमखे दिशामुखे ॥ ३४ ॥

तरलालसतारकं मुखं कलयन्ती शरकाण्डपाण्डरम् ।
विगलत्तिमिराम्बरा बभौ हरिदैन्द्री हरिणाङ्कगर्भिणी ॥ ३५ ॥

अथ किञ्चिदृश्यतैन्दवं वपुरार्द्रोदयरागलोहितम् ।
बलशासनदिग्विलासिनीमुखसिन्दूरललामकोमलम् ॥ ३६ ॥

परिपिण्डितयावकारुणं प्रचकाशे हिमरश्मिमण्डलम् ।
रचितं नवरक्तसन्ध्यकैर्विजयच्छलमिवात्मजन्मनः ॥ ३७ ॥

परुषेऽपि तथा प्रभानिधौ विधुरं लोकमिने परेयुषि ।
<error>उदशिश्वसदृतैः</error><fix>उदशिश्वसदादृतैः</fix> करैरथ राजा मृदुभिर्नवोदयः ॥ ३८ ॥

अथ कम्पनृपोऽपि कृत्यवित् कृतसन्ध्यासमयोचितक्रियः ।
अवदत् सविधे स्थितां प्रियां भुवि गडगेत्यभिनन्दिताह्वयाम् ॥ ३९ ॥
कमलाक्षि ! कटाक्ष्यतामयं समयो वर्णनया रसार्द्रया।
जन एष वचस्तवामृतं श्रवसा पाययितुं कुतूहली ॥ ४० ॥

इति सा दयितेन भाषिता दरनम्रं दधती मुखाम्बुजम् ।
वदति स्म शनैः शुचिस्मिता सरसोदारपदां सरस्वतीम् ॥ ४१ ॥

स्वदमानसुगन्धिमारुतः प्रसरत्कोमलचन्द्रिकोदयः ।
नृपचन्द्र ! निरीक्ष्यतामयं [समयः*] पोषितपुष्पसायकः ॥ ४२ ॥

पारिरभ्य दृढं चिरागतः प्रथमाशासुदृशा निशापतिः ।
[श्लथयत्यय*]मंशुभिर्नखैस्तिमिर श्रेणिमयीं प्रवेणिकाम् ॥ ४३ ॥

पथमाचलमौलिमुच्चकैरधिरुह्याम्बरपात्रसम्भृतम् ।
अयमंशुमृणालिकामुखैस्तिमिरं चूषयतीव चन्द्रमाः ॥ ४४ ॥

अलिनीलमयस्तमोमयं प्रविलाप्योदयरागवह्निना ।
कलयत्ययमोषधीश्वरः कलधौतं शुचि कौमुदीमिषात् ॥ ४५ ॥

शशिमण्डलशङ्खपेटकादवकृष्य क्षपया समर्पितम् ।
कुमुदच्छवि कौमुदीमयं दधती क्षौममभाद् दिगङ्गना ॥ ४६ ॥

हरितं परिरभ्य वासवीं हरिणाङ्क: करपातलीलया ।
स्पृशति प्रणयात् कुमुद्वतीं बत ! विश्वासपदं न कामिनः ॥ ४७ ॥

मुहुरामृशदेव पद्मिनीमपि रागी क्षणदाकरः करैः ।
यदमुं प्रति नेयमुन्मुखी प्रभवत्यत्र पतिव्रतागुणः ॥ ४८ ॥

अनुदर्शमनुप्रवेशतस्तपनाच्छक्तिमवाप तापिनीम् ।
नियतं हिमदीधितिर्यतः क्षमते तापयितुं वियोगिनः ॥ ४९ ॥
अलिविभ्रममन्तरेति यन्न विधोस्तन्मृगलक्ष्म किन्त्वयम् ।
पुरजिद्रथचक्रतार्जितो बहलः कज्जललेपकालिमा ॥ ५० ॥

मघवन्मणिभङ्गमेचकः शशिनि श्यामलिमा चकास्ति यः ।
जनयत्ययमङ्कपालिकाप्रणयालीननिशीथिनीधियम् ॥ ५१ ॥

कलयामि कलङ्ककैतवान्नियतं धारयते ... ........ । *

[इति श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि वीरकम्परायचरिते सप्तमः सर्गः । *]

* इतः परमुपत्रिंशपद्यनिवेशपर्याप्तं पत्रं तालपत्रादर्शे न लिखितम् । 'व्याघ्रपुरी' त्यादीनां वृत्तभेददर्शनादष्टमसर्गान्तर्भावः संभाव्यते । अथाष्टमः सर्गः ।

.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... ।
.... .... .... .... ....व्याघ्रपुरीति सा यथार्थम् ॥

अधिरङ्गमवाप्तयोगनिद्रं हरिमुद्वेजयतीति जातभीतिः ।
पतितं मुहुरिष्टकानिकायं फणचक्रेण निवारयत्यहीन्द्रः ॥

... ... ...नुघूर्णदूर्णनाभं वनवेतण्डविमर्दिनीमवस्थाम् ।
विरतान्यपरिच्छदप्रपञ्चो भजते हन्त ! गजप्रमाथिनाथः ॥

घुणजग्धकवाटसम्पटानि स्फुटदूर्वाङ्कुरसन्धिमण्डपानि ।
श्लथगर्भगृहाणि वीक्ष्य दूये भृशमन्यान्यपि देवताकुलानि ॥

मुखराणि पुरा मृदङ्गघोषैरभितो देवकुलानि यान्यभूवन् ।
तुमुलानि भवन्ति फेरवाणां निनदैस्तानि भयङ्करैरिदानीम् ॥

अतिलङ्घ्य चिरन्तनीं स्वसीमामपदेष्वर्पितजीवनप्रवृत्तिः ।
मुहुरुत्पथगामिनी तुलुष्कानधुना हानुकरोति सह्यकन्या ॥

सतताध्वरधूमसौरभैः प्राङ्निगमोद्घोषणवद्भिरग्रहारैः ।
अधुनाजनि विस्रमांसगन्धैरधिकक्षीबतुलुष्कसिंहनादैः ॥

मधुरोपवनं <error>निरोक्ष्य</error><fix>निरीक्ष्य</fix> दूये बहुशः <error>खण्तिनालिकेरषण्डम्</error><fix>खण्डितनालिकेरषण्डम्</fix> ।
परितो नृकरोटिकोटिहारप्रचलच्छूलपरम्परापरीतम् ॥

रमणीयतरो बभूव यस्मिन् रमणीनां मणिनूपुरप्रणादः ।
द्विजशृङ्खलिकाखलात्क्रियाभिः कुरुते राजपथः स्वकर्णशूलम् ॥
परितस्तततन्तुवायतन्तुव्यतिषङ्गाज्जनितानि जालकानि ।
पुरगोपुरसालभञ्जिकानां दधते चीनपटावगुण्ठनत्वम् ॥

हिमचन्दनवारिसेकशीतान्यभवन् यानि गृहाङ्गणानि राज्ञाम् ।
हृदयं मम खेदयन्ति तानि द्विजबन्दीनयानाम्बुदूषितानि ॥

न तथा कटुघूत्कृताद् व्यथा मे हृदि जीर्णोपवनेषु घूकलोकात् ।
परिशीलितपारसीकवाग्भ्यो यवनानां भवने यथा शुकेभ्यः ॥

स्तनचन्दनपाण्डु ताम्रपर्ण्यास्तरुणीनामभवत् पुरा यदम्भः ।
तदसूग्भिरुपैति शोणिमानं निहतानामभितो गवां नृशंसैः ॥

सुवते न यथापुरं वसूनि क्षितयो वर्षति पूर्ववन्न शक्रः ।
शमनोऽपि जनं नयत्यकाण्डे विषयेऽस्मिन् यवनैर्हतावशिष्टम् ॥

श्वसितानिलशोषिताधराणि श्लथशीर्णायतचूर्णकुन्तलानि ।
बहुबाष्पपरिप्लुतेक्षणानि द्रमिडानां वदनानि वीक्ष्य दूये ॥

श्रुतिरस्तमिता नयः प्रलीनो विरता धर्मकथा च्युतं चरित्रम् ।
सुकृतं गतमाभिजात्यमस्तं किमिवान्यत् कलिरेक एव धन्यः ॥

इति सा निखिलं निवेद्य राज्ञे यवनानां जनगर्हितं चरित्रम् ।
अतिभीषणमात्मनः प्रभावात् <error>क्रमपि</error><fix>कमपि</fix> प्रादुरभावयत् कृपाणम् ॥

अथ तं कलधौतकोश[तः सा क*]रलग्नत्सरुरुच्चखान खड्गम् ।
अचिरोज्झितकञ्चुकानुबन्धस्फुटकालोरगभोगसाम्यभाजम् ॥

क्षयकालकरालभद्रकालीगलकालागरुकर्द[मायमा*]नैः ।
महसां <error>प्रसरैदीपहार्यं</error><fix>प्रसरैरदीपहार्यं</fix> किमपि ध्वान्तमिव प्रकाशयन्तम् ॥
प्रतिबिम्बितदीपकान्तिमन्तः स्फुटतापिञ्छतरुप्रसूननीलम् ।
नवमम्बुधरं विडम्बयन्तं जठरोज्जृम्भितवैद्युतप्रकाशम् ॥

तमरातिनराधिनाथनारीनयनाम्भःकणपातहेतुभूतम् ।
प्रभुरुन्मिषितस्वरोषवह्नेरधिकोद्दामममंस्त धूमदण्डम् ॥

(कलापकम् ।)

प्रणयागतचोलपाण्ड्यलक्ष्मीश्रवणेन्दीवरमालिकायमानम् ।
विरचय्य पुरः कृपाणमेषा पुनरप्याह पुरन्दराभमेनम् ॥

नरनाथ ! पुरा कृपाणमेनं विरचय्याखिलदेवतायुधांशैः ।
उपदीकृतवान् पिनाकपाणेर्दनुजानां विजयाय विश्वकर्मा ॥

<error>अमुमुग्रतपःकुतप्रसादः</error><fix>अमुमुग्रतपःकृतप्रसादः</fix> प्रददौ पाण्डवनृपाय सोऽपि देवः ।
यमुपेत्यं चिराय तस्य वंश्याः पृथिवीमप्रतिशासनामशासन् ॥

अथ कालवशेन पाण्ड्यवंश्यान् गतवीर्यानवधार्य कुम्भजन्मा ।
मनुजेश्वर ! मण्डलाग्रमेनं भवते प्रेषितवान् महाभुजाय ॥

अमुना युधि दुःसहं महः स्यात् तव नैसर्गिकसाहसप्रवृत्तेः ।
ध्रुवमूष्मणि दारुणो दवाग्निः किमुतोच्चण्डसमीरसंस्तवेन ॥

अधिसङ्गमस्य च प्रभावाद् भविता ते न कदापि सत्वसादः ।
असितोमरचक्रचापमुख्यैर्द्विषदस्त्रैर्वपुषो न चाभिषङ्गः ॥

अमुमास्त्रकरालरश्मिपालीरचितालीकतटिच्छटा विलासम् ।
धुवतस्तव चेष्टितु पुरस्तान्न कृतान्तोऽपि भवत्यलं किमन्यैः ॥

अमुनाशु विशस्य दक्षिणस्यां मधुरायां पुरि कंसवन्नृशंसम् ॥
यवनाधिपतिं बलोत्तरस्त्वं विदधीथाः स्फुटमच्युतावतारम् ॥
अनिदंप्रथमो हि धार्यतेऽसौ भवतान्यैर्मनसाप्यधारणीयः ।
भुवनत्रयरक्षणैकदीक्षाविधिशंसी कठकः (पदा?करा)म्बुजेन ॥

चलवेणिभिरुल्वणारुणाक्षैर्विपुलश्मश्रुभिरात्तसिंहनादैः ।
विकटभ्रुकुटीकरालफालैस्त्वरमाणस्तृणगात् (?)<error>तुलुष्कर्शैषीः</error><fix>तुलुष्कशीर्षैः</fix> ॥

ग्रसतु प्रथनाह्वये दिनादौ प्रथमानो भवतः प्रतापसूर्यः ।
मधुपानमदप्रदोषरूढं यवनीनां स्मितचन्द्रिकाविकासम् ॥

अविनीतिदवानलानुबन्धादधिकोन्मीलदधर्मधर्मजातम् ।
निहताहितलोहिताम्बुवर्षैर्नृप ! निर्वापय तापमुर्वरायाः ॥

परिपन्थिकबन्धकन्धरान्तःस्रुतरक्तासवपूरपारणाभिः ।
कटपूतनभूतयातुधानानभितस्तर्पयतात् तवैष खड्गः ॥

दुरितैकपरं तुलुष्कनाथं द्रुतमुत्खाय जगत्त्रयैकशल्यम् ।
प्रतिरोपय रामसेतुमध्ये <error>विचयस्तम्भशतानि</error><fix>विजयस्तम्भशतानि</fix> बाहुशालिन् ! ॥

त्वयि नाथ ! नियन्तृतां प्रपन्ने धृतवेगा स्थिरसेतुबन्धनेन ।
प्रथयत्वनुकूलयानलीलामचिरेणैव कवेरजाकरेणुः ॥

[इति श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचिते मधुराविजयनाम्नि वीरकम्परायचरिते अष्टमः सर्गः । *

*इतः परं दश पत्राणि तालपत्रादर्शाद् विभ्रष्टानि ।
*.... .... ....फलकेन केचित् प्रत्यर्थिनां वञ्चितबाणवर्षाः ।
अलक्ष्यपातं युगपत् कृपाणैः कृत्ताखिलाङ्घींस्तुरगा......म् ॥

आसञ्जिताः कङ्कमुखैर्विमुच्य.…..........भुवनेषु पङ्क्तिः ।
आराच्चरन्त्या विरराज मृत्योरुत्तम्भिता तोरणमालिकेव ॥

कृत्ताः शशाङ्कार्धमुखैः पृषत्कैर्धनुष्मतां हास्तिकहस्तकाण्डाः ।
रक्तह्रदेषु न्यपतन् भुजङ्गाः पारीक्षितस्येव मखानलेषु ॥

मुक्ताफलैर्वीरकृपाणलेखाविभिन्नगन्धद्विपकुम्भमुक्तैः ।
रक्तारुणैस्तत्क्षणघट्टनोत्थस्फुलिङ्गसङ्घातमतिर्वितेने ॥

यावत् कृपाणेन विपाट्य कुम्भं निवर्तते सत्वरमश्ववारः ।
तावद् गृहीत्वास्य तुरङ्गमङ्घ्र्योरास्फालयामास गजस्तमुर्व्याम् ॥

निशाचरा: केचन कुञ्जराणां <error>कुस्भस्थलान्निस्सृतमास्रपूरम्</error><fix>कुम्भस्थलान्निस्सृतमास्रपूरम्</fix> ।
निष्ठ्यूतमुक्तामणयः सहर्षं चुचूषुरुत्पुष्करनालदण्डैः ॥

जिघत्सयान्तः पतगैः प्रविष्टैः प्रस्पन्दमानं कुणपं द्विपस्य ।
समीपमासाद्य सजीवबुद्ध्या व्यसुं सतृष्णोऽपि <error>जहो</error><fix>जहौ</fix> सृगालः ॥

चक्रैर्निकृत्तानि शिरांसि यावदाधोरणानां न पतन्त्यधस्तात् ।
<error>अक्लिष्टशौभान्यवतंसहेतोस्तावत्</error> प्रतीष्टानि निशाचरीभिः ॥

करेण कञ्चित् पदयोर्गृहीत्वा क्षिप्तं दवीयो वियति द्विपेन्द्रः ।
पतन्तमाच्छिन्नकृपाणयष्टिः प्रत्यैच्छदुच्चैर्दशनद्वयेन ॥

क्षिप्तो गजेनोर्ध्वमसिद्वितीयः स्कन्धे निपत्यास्य पुरस्तरस्वी ।
निपात्य चाधोरणमभ्यमित्रं गजाधिरोहः स्वयमेव जज्ञे ॥

*इतः पूर्वं शताधिकश्लोकविच्छेदसंभावनया सर्गसङ्ख्या न निश्चेतुं शक्या ।
द्विषा सरोषेण पृषत्कवर्षैर्निषूदितः कोऽप्यमरत्वमेत्य ।
चकार तस्योपरि पुष्पवर्षं सहर्षमुद्घोषितचाटुवादः ॥

कुन्तेन कश्चित् द्विषता विभिन्नस्तथैव <error>संश्लेषममुप्य</error><fix>संश्लेषममुष्य</fix> यातः ।
भिन्दन्नुरस्तेन चमत्कृतोऽभूद् गुणेषु को मत्सरमादधाति ॥

चिराय कौचित् <error>कलहायमानावन्योन्यकौक्षेयककृत्तशोर्षौ</error><fix>कलहायमानावन्योन्यकौक्षेयककृत्तशीर्षौ</fix> ।
विमुक्तदेहौ तदनुक्षणेन ससौहृदौ दिव्यपुरीमयाताम् ॥

सङ्ग्रामवन्यामभितश्चरन्तो दर्पोद्धताः केचन राजसिंहाः । प्रत्यर्थिनां पार्थिवकुञ्जराणां शिरांस्यभिन्दन्नखरैः[खरायैः* ॥]

......... ...... ...... ...... ... .... ......... .... ।
....स्तस्य विरोधियोधान् दृष्ट्वा जहासेव पलायमानान् ॥

एकप्रहारेण सकङ्कटानामाधोरणानां करिणां च देहैः ।
द्विधा विभिन्नैरभितो विवेक्तुमीषत्करास्तस्य विमर्दमार्गाः ॥

कुम्भेषु भिन्दन् नृपतिर्द्विपेन्द्रान् मुक्ताफलैः शर्करिलान्तराभिः ।
प्रावर्तयद् रक्ततरङ्गिणीभिः परश्शताः संयति ताम्रपर्णीः ॥

तेन द्विपास्तोमरिणा विभिन्नाः <error>कुंभस्थलैरुज्झितमोक्तिकौघैः</error><fix>कुंभस्थलैरुज्झितमौक्तिकौघैः</fix> ।
क्रौञ्चस्य जह्रुर्गुहशक्तिघातप्रकीर्णहंसप्रकरस्य शोभाम् ॥

रंहस्विनः स्वाभिमुखान् क्षितीन्द्रो मृगान् नखाग्रेण यथा तरक्षुः ।
प्रसह्य वक्षस्सु युधि प्रवीरान् क्षुण्णानकार्षीच्छुरिकामुखेन ॥

शूरस्तथा प्राहृत <error>मुद्गारेण</error><fix>मुद्गरेण</fix> शिरस्त्रवन्ति द्विषतां शिरांसि ।
यथा विनिर्यन्नयनानि तानि मङ्क्षु न्यमाङ्क्षुः स्वशरीर एव ॥
[तस्मि*]न्निति व्यापृतहेतिजाते परापतन्त्यः परिपन्थिसेनाः ।
कल्पक्षयोदर्चिषि हव्यवाहे महाम्बुधेराप इवाशु ने[शुः*] ॥

न जामदग्न्येन न राघवेण तथा न भीमेन न चार्जुनेन ।
आपादितस्तेन यथा समीके हर्षो महर्षेः कलहप्रियस्य ॥

ततस्तुलुष्कान् युधि [कान्दिशी*]कानालोक्य विष्फारितघोरशार्ङ्गः ।
कम्पक्षितीन्द्रं यवनाधिराजः प्रत्यग्रहीद वृत्र इवामरेन्द्रम् ॥

तं वीरपाणाधिकपाटलाक्षं <error>ललाटलक्ष्यञ्जुकुटीकरलम्</error><fix>ललाटलक्ष्यञ्जुकुटीकरालम्</fix> ।
मदस्य रोषस्य च देहबन्धं संभेदमाशङ्कत वीरवर्गः ॥

निरायता तस्य तुरङ्गवेगा वेणिर्मणिश्रेणिमती चकाशे ।
अमर्षवह्नेर्ज्वलनोन्मुखस्य धूमच्छटेव स्फुरितस्फुलिङ्गा ॥

आस्फाल्यमानस्य च तेन गाढं शार्ङ्गस्य <error>मौर्वीनिदश्चकार</error><fix>मौर्वी निनदश्चकार</fix> ।
चिरात् परित्यज्य <error>पमुच्चलत्या</error><fix>तमुच्चलन्त्या</fix> जयश्रियो नूपुरघोषशङ्काम् ॥

पराक्रमाधःकृतचोलपाण्ड्यं वल्लालसम्पल्लतिकाकुठारम् ।
रणोन्मुखं कम्पनृपोऽभ्यनन्दीद् वीरः सुरत्राणमुदग्रशौर्यः ॥

आकर्णमाकृष्टशरासनौ तौ मिथः किरन्तौ विशिखानसङ्ख्यान् ।
वीरौ स्वबाहुद्रविणानुरूपमायोधनं <error>मानघनौ</error><fix>मानधनौ</fix> व्यघाताम् ॥

बाणा निरस्ता यवनेन तस्मिन्नपाङ्गपाता इव वीरलक्ष्म्याः ।
कम्पेश्वरेणाप्यभिपारसीकं शराः कटाक्षा इव कालरात्रेः ॥

स केरलप्राणमरुद्भुजङ्गान् वन्यावनीन्द्रद्रुमदाववह्नीन् ।
अन्ध्रान्धकारक्षयतिग्मभासो बाणानमुञ्चद् यवने नरेन्द्रः ॥

*इतः परं पत्रद्वयं निर्लेखं दृश्यते ।
क्षतानि यान्यस्य शरैः शरीरे चकार वीरस्य तुलुष्कवीरः ।
वितेनिरे तानि नखाङ्कशङ्कां जयश्रियो भोगसमुत्सुकायाः ॥

उदग्रमग्रे यवनाधिभर्तुः साक्षात्कलेर्मौलिमिवाशुगेन ।
स मङ्क्षु सार्धं जयकाङ्क्षितेन ध्वाङ्क्षध्वजं ध्वंसयति स्म धन्वी ॥

अमर्षितस्याथ पृषत्कवर्षं विमुञ्चतो विद्विषतः शरेण ।
स कार्मुकज्यामलुनात् तुलुष्कराज्यश्रियो मङ्गलसूत्रकल्पाम् ॥

विहाय शार्ङ्गं धनुरिद्धरोषस्तुलुष्क[वीरस्त*]रवारिमुग्रम् । <flag>तुरङ्गपर्याणनिबद्धवर्ध्राविलम्बि(भिः?नं)</flag> <error>सत्वरमुज्जाहार</error><fix>सत्वरमुज्जहार</fix> ।

अथाग्रहीत् कम्पनृपस्तमेव कौक्षेयकं काल[करालरूपम् ।
व्या*]पादनार्थं यवनेश्वरस्य यः प्रेषितः प्राक् कलशोद्भवेन ॥

विषच्छटाधूम्ररुचिर्नृपस्य कराग्रधूता करवाललेखा ।
[जिह्रेव रेजे*] यवनाधिराजप्राणानिलाञ् जिग्रसिषोर्भुजाहेः ॥

स वञ्चयंस्तत्तरवारिधारां धाराविशेषप्रवणौपवाह्यः ।
अशातयत्तस्य शिरो निमेषा[दने*]न कर्णाटकुलप्रदीपः ॥

अज्ञातसेवोचितचाटुवादं तुलुष्कसाम्राज्यकृताभिषेकम् ।
दिवौकसामप्यकृतप्रणामं भूमौ सुरत्राणशिरः पपात ॥

च्युतेऽपि <error>शीषं</error><fix>शीर्षे</fix> चलिताश्ववल्गानियन्त्रणव्यापृतवामपाणिम् ।
प्रतिप्रहारप्रसृतान्यहस्तं वीरः कबन्धं द्विषतोऽभ्यनन्दीत् ॥

मानोन्नते कम्पनृपस्य मौलौ पपात दिव्यद्रुमपुष्पवृष्टिः ।
स्वयंवराभ्युत्सुकराजलक्ष्मी विमुक्तमुक्ताक्षतजालकल्पा ॥

*इयानेव तालपत्रादर्शः समुपलब्धः।
प्रशान्तदावेव वनान्तलक्ष्मीर्गतोपरागा गगनस्थलीव ।
कलिन्दजा मर्दितकालियेव दिग् दक्षिणासीत् क्षतपारसीका ॥

हतावशिष्टानथ वैरियोधान् संरक्ष्य पादप्रण*.... .... ।
... .................................................... ॥

[इति श्रीगङ्गादेव्या विरचितं मधुराविजयंनाम वीरकम्परायचरितं समाप्तम् । ] शिवं भूयात् ।